Central America

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  • EL SALVADOR: Arena and FMLN start mudslinging

    20 February 2008 Hits: 465

    There may be 10 months to go until the legislative elections in El Salvador, and a full year until the presidential elections, but the two main political parties have well and truly got onto an election footing and the mud is already flying. President Tony Saca accused the leftwing opposition Frente Farabundo Martí­ para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN) this month of allegedly accepting funding for its electoral campaign from Venezuela. The FMLN denied the charge. The FMLN, meanwhile, presented a motion in the legislative assembly challenging the legality of a large salary increase which Salvadorean deputies recently awarded themselves. This left the ruling Alianza Republicana Nacionalista (Arena) facing some very bad press.

    Saca based his accusations against the FMLN on remarks by the US Director of National Intelligence, Michael McConnell, in his annual threat assessment presented to the Senate Intelligence Committee. McConnell had said that Venezuela's President Hugo Chávez would provide the FMLN with "generous campaign funding" for the presidential elections in March 2009. Saca said that the government would launch an investigation into Alba Petróleos de El Salvador - the joint venture between Venezuela's state-owned oil company, Pdvsa, and 58 FMLN mayors, whose municipalities benefit from Venezuelan oil imported under the Petrocaribe scheme. He said that if it were found to benefit the FMLN's electoral campaign it would constitute "a clear intervention in the internal affairs of my country".

    The founding stone in the Alba Petróleo de El Salvador oil storage facility in the port of Acajutla, south-east of San Salvador, was placed in late January. The company says that it will build a series of tanks capable of holding 350,000 barrels of fuel in order to undercut the inflated prices being charged by transnational companies. Since the end of last year, Alba Petróleo has imported 21,000 barrels of diesel distributed mainly to the capital. The imported diesel is currently being transported to the port of Corinto in Nicaragua before being moved on to El Salvador by road. The company wants to start importing regular and premium petrol from Venezuela shortly.

    Venezuela's President Hugo Chávez emphatically denied funding the FMLN's electoral campaign. Speaking on 9 February he said that even if he had wanted to fund the FMLN it would be completely unnecessary, as the party is "solid, established and well organised". The FMLN, meanwhile, lashed out at Saca for inconsistency. "Only a fortnight ago he said that this (Alba Petróleos de El Salvador) was a project that was helping Salvadoreans and welcomed it," the party spokesperson said. "Saca should be more serious and responsible in his comments."

    Saca has made similar comments before. Last November, he claimed that Venezuela was funding "Bolivarian circles" in El Salvador "linked closely to the FMLN", adding that this amounted to "a very serious interference in El Salvador's domestic affairs". He was slightly more cautious this time, insisting (despite strong indications to the contrary) that his government enjoyed good relations with Venezuela and that the investigation was solely for the purposes of clarification.

    The security minister, René Figueroa, has been less guarded in his comments. He has previously accused the FMLN presidential candidate, Mauricio Funes, of being determined to impose a Chavista model on El Salvador and of funding his campaign with Venezuelan petrodollars. Funes, for his part, said the US intelligence report had "no credibility".

    Salary dispute

    The government's efforts to denigrate the FMLN's image is a clear sign that Arena is running scared at the growing support for Funes in the polls. Further evidence of this was supplied in Arena's handling of the FMLN's cynical manoeuvre in the legislative assembly regarding the sizeable salary increase that the deputies agreed to give themselves.

    The FMLN presented a motion challenging the legality of the increases, which were approved last September in a "salary law" but only came into effect on 1 January. The salary of the president of congress, Rubén Orellana, increased by 50% to US$8,682 a month; the nine members of the congressional leadership committee saw their salaries go up by a similar amount to US$7,725 per month; the 74 legislators, by 48% to US$5,886 a month. Arena deputies accused the FMLN of hypocrisy, insisting that it too approved the increases as part of the wider "salary law" for the budget. The head of the FMLN's legislative bloc, Salvador Sánchez Cerén (Funes' running mate) denied this.

    The salary increases were staunchly defended by Arena's ally, the rightwing Partido de Conciliación Nacional (PCN). "We have the lowest salaries in the world. Why is it a sin to increase them?" a PCN deputy, Roberto Angulo, said. He defended the increases on the grounds that some of the money would go towards helping the constituencies represented by the deputies.

    The domestic media stirred up righteous indignation over the salary increase. It argued that the average salary in El Salvador is just US$260 a month and that the government is currently giving only US$15 a month to people living in the country's 77 poorest municipalities.

    Aware of the public backlash stoked by the media, Arena's party leadership (Coena) was forced to calculate the political cost and order Arena deputies to drop their support for the increases (infuriating the PCN in the process) and return to the "salary structure of 2007". It was an embarrassing U-turn for Arena. The leader of the party's legislative bloc, Guillermo Gallegos, had said previously that it was "unthinkable" to go back on the decision.

    • Arena candidate

    The former head of El Salvador's Policí­a Nacional Civil (PNC), Rodrigo Ávila, is seeking the candidacy of the ruling coalition, Arena. In a slightly convoluted primary election process, the Arena party leadership (Coena) will trim the number of pre-candidates down to three on 29 February. They will then be presented to the party membership before a candidate is chosen in late March. Ávila would make an interesting candidate, not least because he has expressed reservations about the "mano dura" (firm hand) security initiatives pursued under the current government.

    • Saca on salary increase

    President Tony Saca insisted that he would not be drawn into the controversy over the salary increases for legislators, for fear of compromising the separation of powers. However, his concern that the FMLN was trying to steal a march ahead of the elections by denigrating Arena deputies unjustly prompted him to claim that he personally disagreed with the salary increase. Now that the increases have been reversed, the legislative finance commission will have to decide how the money received by deputies in January is to be returned.

  • EL SALVADOR-HONDURAS: Tackling the mara gangs

    20 February 2008 Hits: 342

    The security forces in El Salvador and Honduras launched large-scale operations in late January and early February aimed at cracking down on violent crime. Some 500 agents from El Salvador's Policí­a Nacional Civil (PNC) arrested 45 mara gang members in towns across the country on 31 January, including the leader of the Mara Salvatrucha (MS) in Santa Tecla, the capital of La Libertad department in the San Salvador metropolitan area. A day later, Honduran security forces launched an even bigger offensive.

    El Salvador's new head of the PNC, Francisco Rovira, said that two-thirds of the maras arrested would now face prosecution for homicide, extortion and "unlawful gathering", while the remainder would be investigated. The joint police and army operation in Honduras (codenamed "Five Stars") targeted the main towns in almost all the country's 18 departments to "reduce violent crime". Another objective was to confiscate illegal firearms: the government reckons there are 600,000 arms in private hands in Honduras; only 40% are registered.

    The security operations were almost certainly timed in response to a regionwide study into the mara phenomenon in Mexico and Central America, carried out by Costa Rican research company, Demoscopia, which was released days earlier (see sidebar). The study reached the unequivocal conclusion that the mano dura (firm hand) security initiatives favoured by El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras to combat the maras had merely served to strengthen the gangs, compelling them to become more cohesive underground organisations. The security operations were calculated to show that the mara threat can be countered by force.

    • Mara study

    The Demoscopia study into the mara phenomenon, entitled Maras and gangs; community and police in Central America, claims that: "In the last four years, the gangs have developed into military and business organisations ... and they are used as the labour force for drug trafficking and organised crime." It goes on to argue that the change in the modus operandi of the gangs underlined the need for governments on the isthmus to produce "functional and effective legislation" to address the mara issue before gang members grow financially powerful, potentially allowing them to enter the political arena.

  • COSTA RICA: Arias asks for more time to implement Cafta-DR

    20 February 2008 Hits: 276

    President Oscar Arias was forced to appeal to the US and other partners to extend the deadline for the Cafta-DR trade treaty to come into effect in Costa Rica. The deadline for implementing the deal expires on 29 February and Costa Rica is the only member country to have yet failed to do so. Fierce opposition in congress means that it is unlikely the Arias government will be able to meet the deadline.

    Only half of the twelve enabling laws, known as the "implementation agenda", necessary to complement Cafta-DR have so far got past the first hearing in congress [RC-8-01]. This delay prompted Arias to request a meeting behind closed doors with the leader of the main opposition party, Partido Acción Ciudadana (PAC), Ottón Solí­s. This was intended to expedite proceedings, but to no avail. Arias's decision to invite Solí­s to a private meeting was clearly motivated by his exasperation at the PAC's delaying tactics. He said he wanted to speak to Solí­s about his vision for the country's future to see in what ways it differed from his own.

    Solí­s said he was willing to talk on condition that everything they discussed could later be made public. Arias responded tartly that their meeting in person would obviate the need for Solí­s to write four-page letters to him requiring lengthy responses with which Solí­s was never satisfied anyway.

    Public opinion on the issue continues to be as divided as it was during the October referendum, which narrowly ratified the trade treaty. Businesses, however, clearly support Arias. The Costa Rican chamber of commerce, for instance, savaged Solí­s for obstructing the passage of the reforms as "shameful", "irresponsible", and contrary to the will of the people.

    In the meantime, Arias has been forced to plead with Costa Rica's Central American partners in the Cafta-DR in order to have the deadline extended. He said that they would all benefit from the inclusion of Costa Rica - the biggest economy in the sub-region - in the free trade agreement. There is no existing mechanism within the terms of the treaty allowing for the extension of the deadline, but it should prove a formality if Costa Rica manages to gain the support of its neighbours.

    • Drugs war

    The execution-style killing of five men whose bodies were found in Costa Rica appears to confirm the warning issued by the country's chief prosecutor, Francisco Dall'Anese, about the growing influence of Colombian and Mexican drug-trafficking gangs in the country [RC-08-01]. The victims were all identified as Panamanian. These latest killings represent a sudden escalation of inter-gang turf wars, and suggest that the foreign cartels are operating in Costa Rica through local recruits.

  • NICARAGUA: Liberals push for amnesty "decree"

    20 February 2008 Hits: 280

    The liberals have recently been lobbying for a broad amnesty "decree" in an attempt to end the power exerted by President Daniel Ortega over unofficial leader of the Partido Liberal Constitucionalista (PLC), Arnoldo Alemán, and Alianza Liberal Nicaragüense (ALN) leader, Eduardo Montealegre. While the move has provoked outrage from civil society and other politicians alike, the fate of the decree is far from certain, given both the legal questions involved and recent divisions between the liberal parties.

    On 7 February, the liberals announced an initiative to approve a broad amnesty as a legislative decree - which cannot be vetoed by Ortega - rather than a law. The move promises more legal wrangling ahead, as neither the constitution nor the law establishing the national assembly specify whether amnesties should be laws (subject to a presidential veto) or decrees.

    The amnesty would pardon all public officials and ex-public officials from the last three governments (1990 - 2006) who have been convicted of, or suspected of involvement in, acts of corruption. Perhaps unsurprisingly, the move is favoured by the PLC because it would free Alemán - currently "serving" a 20-year jail sentence for money laundering - from Ortega's control. Ortega has traded Alemán's freedom for PLC support in congress, and if Alemán is, effectively, pardoned, his supporters in the PLC will no longer have to support Ortega's policies.

    The amnesty would also benefit Montealegre, who is under constant threat of prosecution for his role in the collapse of four banks between August 2000 and 2001 when he was Alemán's finance minister.

    Civil society and other politicians alike were quick to condemn the initiative, with human rights organisations warning that it would strike a considerable blow to the country's already "weak democracy" and encourage impunity.

    Nevertheless, the decree's passage is by no means certain, given recent divisions between the PLC and ALN. This lack of a united front emerged most recently during the approval of the budget on 12 February, in which the PLC joined forces with the ruling Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional to vote in favour of the measure, while the ALN voted against it. The budget vote led the local press to pronounce the 'Bloque Contra la Dictadura' - formed by opposition members at the end of last year [RC-07-12] - effectively dead.

    • New ambassador named

    Following the news that US ambassador to Nicaragua Paul Trivelli will be leaving his post in July, Robert Callahan was named as his replacement by US President George W Bush. The news was met with surprise and consternation among some sectors in Nicaragua, due not least to Callahan's active support for the Contras during the country's civil war in the 1980s. At the time, Callahan worked as spokesperson and speechwriter for John Negroponte, who was US ambassador to Honduras when the US embassy there was instrumental in co-ordinating the Contra war in Nicaragua.

  • PANAMA: Union clashes with government

    20 February 2008 Hits: 210

    Widespread protests took place this month after a construction worker was shot dead by a policeman during a protest over lax safety standards. Despite government concessions in the form of new safety legislation, the construction workers' union Suntracs has already warned that the protests go far beyond labour safety conditions. It is demanding the resignation of interior minister Daniel Delgado and police chief Rolando Mirones, as well as a freeze in living costs.

    After the shooting of Iromi Smith in the Colón region on 12 February, some 40,000 members of Suntracs took to the streets across the country. By the end of 14 February, clashes with the police had resulted in some 500 arrests, over 30 Suntracs members being wounded by birdshot and 16 police officers injured.

    Clearly concerned by these events, Panamanian President Martí­n Torrijos cancelled a trip to El Salvador to participate in the Central American integration system (SICA) summit, and appeared on national television urging calm.

    More concretely, in response to one of Suntracs' demands, on 16 February the government passed a decree to improve health and safety standards for construction workers. The union has long protested lax safety standards at the Panamanian capital's many building sites, which led to 29 deaths last year.

    The measure nevertheless failed to satisfy Suntracs, which has said that it will not call off further action until its other demands are met. These include the resignation of Delgado and Mirones, whom the union blames for Smith's death as well as for the murders of two other unarmed members of Suntracs last August. Also high on their list of demands are better wages, a lower cost of living, and a freeze on the price of basic groceries.

    The latter issue, in particular, is striking a chord with the public, who are already dissatisfied with the government over inflation. According to figures released by the comptroller general, Panama registered 6.4% inflation in 2007, the highest rate in 17 years. The next presidential elections are scheduled for May 2009, and the constant increase in living costs has already topped the list of voters' concerns, ahead of security and unemployment.

  • GUATEMALA: A difficult first month

    20 February 2008 Hits: 212

    In an assessment of his first month in power, Guatemala's new president Álvaro Colom conceded that the first four weeks had been "difficult". Describing the government structure he inherited as an "arthritic elephant", he blamed his predecessor Oscar Berger for leaving behind chaos and administrative disorder.

    The new labour and finance ministers, Edgar Rodrí­guez and Juan Alberto Fuentes Knight respectively, were reportedly horrified at the muddle they found when they took office. Colom singled out the communications ministry as particular cause for concern. Having been told that its debt was less than Q300m (US$40m), it was subsequently revealed to be over Q2bn, the main culprits being the road maintenance department and project managers responsible for upgrading the La Aurora airport, to the south of the capital.

    Colom complained that the "chaos" was caused by a "lack of accountability, duplication of activities, too much money in some state institutions and a lack of resources in others, and floating debts for which no-one seems responsible". A report by the Encuentro por Guatemala (EG) party also revealed that some 500 budget transfers had been made in 2007, under Berger, with the communications ministry as the main beneficiary. According to the report, the departments most adversely affected were social investment programmes, while some Q155m (US$20m) was transferred from funds earmarked for the police.

    Chaos in the executive was echoed in the legislative. The lack of majority of Colom's Unidad Nacional de la Esperanza (UNE) party in congress proved problematic with the two main opposition parties, the Partido Patriota and Gran Alianza Nacional (Gana), initially refusing to approve loans, arguing that the UNE had failed to clarify what they would be used for.

    Problems within the parties themselves also emerged and, as well as splits within Gana (see sidebar), the local press reported conflicts within the UNE. These were attributed to disputes over who will head the different legislative committees, as well as discontent over Colom's appointments - not least because his new cabinet features non-party members. The appointment of Mario Taracena as head of the UNE legislative bloc also reportedly caused ripples of discontent within the party.

    • Gana splits

    Divisions within the Gran Alianza Nacional (Gana), the party of former president Oscar Berger, came to a head on 22 January over who would head the different legislative committees. As a result, Gana - which had been the second largest party in the 158-seat congress, with 37 seats - has split into two factions. One is led by Gana secretary general Alfredo Vila and the other by departmental secretary for Petén, Jaime Martí­nez. The latter is also backed by ex-presidential candidate Alejandro Giammattei.

  • GUATEMALA: Cicig takes on its first case

    20 February 2008 Hits: 237

    As well as the administrative chaos inherited from the previous administration (see p?), a further headache for President Álvaro Colom in his first month of power has been the security situation. As well as criticisms levelled against his 100-day security plan, a recent wave of violence targeting bus drivers has led Colom to blame the acts on organised crime and attempts at destabilising his government.

    With over 3,000 people arrested and 340 police officials fired, accused of various crimes, critics have accused Colom of adopting measures designed to have a high media impact, rather than tackling the root of the security problem - especially given that many of those arrested were subsequently released.

    The security situation took a turn for the worse early this month, with 14 bus drivers murdered, mainly in the country's capital, Guatemala City. This wave of violence led to bus drivers going on strike on 7 February, demanding better security and that the perpetrators of the killings be brought to justice.

    While bus drivers have frequently been the targets of gangs in Guatemala, murdered when they refuse to hand over "protection payments", the recent spate of killings left Colom vulnerable to accusations that he was unable to adequately address the security problem. This situation enabled legislators to approve an initiative effectively restoring the death penalty (see sidebar).

    Colom in turn claimed that the killings were the result of organised crime and attempts to destabilise his government, an argument which gained weight after the recently-established international commission against impunity in Guatemala (Cicig) agreed to investigate.

    As well as requesting assistance from Cicig, Colom also announced that over 1000 police agents will be sent to help with security in the capital. However, as with the strategy of issuing multiple arrests and purging the police, critics such as Helen Mack of human rights NGO Myrna Mack Foundation have questioned this strategy. Mack argues that the solution lies not in increasing the size of the police force, but in improving law enforcement efforts. This is especially true, she says, given that one of the factors fomenting the lack of safety for drivers and for the public at large is the lack of coordination between the public prosecutors' office and police.

    • Death penalty restored

    While President Álvaro Colom is against the death penalty, an initiative proposed by the rightwing Partido Patriota was approved by congress, granting the head of state the power to bestow a last-minute reprieve on prisoners facing the death penalty. This removed the last obstacle preventing Guatemala from reintroducing the death penalty. Capital punishment was never abolished, but it had been suspended since 2002 because of a legal dispute over who should have the final word regarding the fate of prisoners on death row.