Central American & Caribbean

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  • Rios Montt bets on constitutional court

    24 April 2007 Hits: 5597

    FOUR OF SEVEN MEMBERS ARE RECENT FRG APPOINTEES 

    Even before the supreme court ruled, on 5 July, against retired General Efraí­n Rí­os Montt's registration as the presidential candidate of the ruling Frente Republicano Guatemalteco (FRG -see WR-03-20), it had become clear why the 77-year-old former dictator was insisting again on a bid that had already been blocked twice by the electoral authorities and the courts. 

    The key was provided by Rí­os Montt himself, when he boasted to journalists, 'In the constitutional court we stand 4:3.' His lawyers had already indicated that if they failed with the supreme court on the same old constitutional objection, they would appeal to the constitutional court. 

    Of that court's seven current members, four have been appointed by the FRG government. 

    Automatic majority? Rí­os Montt takes it for granted that they will rule in his favour. There is a precedent: in the supreme court the single vote in favour of allowing Rí­os Montt's candidacy was that of Roderico Pineda, an admitted FRG sympathiser who was appointed in 2000. All top court appointments have to be ratified by congress, a body of which Rí­os Montt is president. 

    The argument on which Rí­os Montt's candidacy was refused, now as in 1990 and 1995, is that a clause in the constitution bars from running for the presidency or vice-presidency anyone who has taken part in a coup or uprising that has breached the constitutional order. 

    Justifying his dissenting vote, Pineda argued that this provision in the 1985 could not be applied retroactively to Rí­os Montt, who headed a military government in 1982-83. This is the argument that the government, from President Alfonso Portillo down, has been voicing for some time. 

    Once the appeal is filed, the constitutional court must come up with a provisional ruling within three days, giving Rí­os Montt the chance to register in good time for the 9 November elections. 

    From soldiers to politicians. As Rí­os Montt's presence in congress so clearly demonstrates, there is no bar against former members of military governments running for lesser elective posts. Apart from Rí­os Montt, there are 18 retired military officers registered as candidates. This has riled human rights organisations, as several of these have played prominent roles in rights violations in the not-so-distant past. 

    The roster of military candidates includes: 

    General Otto Pérez Molina, former head of the Estado Mayor Presidencial (EMP, the body from which repression, overt and covert, was directed). 

    General Marco Tulio Espinoza, another former head of the EMP. 

    General Héctor Gramajo, defence minister under (elected) President Vinicio Cerezo (1986-90). 

    General Julio Balconi, defence minister during the (elected) presidency of Alvaro Arzú (1996-2000). 

    Lieutenant-Colonel Otto Noack, who resigned from the army in 2000 after having been punished for stating to the press that the army should admit its responsibility for human rights violations during Guatemala's long internal war. 

    Still powerful. According to José Rubén Zamora, chairman of the editorial board of the newspaper El Periódico, the military are still the real power in the land. Guatemala's elected presidents since 1986, he says, 'have been puppets, democratic façades for these people.' 

    Zamora was one of several members of the press who have been targeted in a rough intimidation campaign attributed to 'clandestine security groups' -people who, according to human rights procurator Sergio Morales, display the same modus operandi as the old 'death squads' linked to the official security apparatus.

  • NICARAGUA: How they plan to spring Arnoldo Aleman

    24 April 2007 Hits: 2140

    CHESSLIKE PLOY BY 'STACKED' SUPREME COURT 

    The game plan to spring former President Arnoldo Alemán from house arrest and place him beyond the reach of the courts has come to light, courtesy of a disgruntled member of the supreme court, who has been talking under a cloak of anonymity. 

    The plan is to avoid anything as crude as direct intervention by the supreme court now that it has been 'stacked' with new justices as a result of a share-out between the pro-Alemán Liberals and the Sandinistas (WR-03-23). Instead a complex chesslike manoeuvre is envisaged. 

    The corruption case against Alemán is led by judge Juana Méndez, who is seconded by judge Dominga Ampié. The first gambit is the replacement by the supreme court of Ampié. The candidate for her job is Benjamí­n Arriaza (son of the deputy mayor of Masaya, Gloria Larios, who faces corruption charges herself). 

    The second move, also by the supreme court, is to promote Juana Méndez to the Managua appeals court, which would leave Arriaza in charge of the case. 

    Arriaza is then expected to review a crucial decision by Méndez, rejecting an October 2002 ruling by the Central American court (CCJ) to the effect that Alemán enjoyed immunity from prosecution as a member of the Central American parliament, Parlacen. 

    This would automatically free Alemán under the guise of virtuous compliance with the CCJ's ruling. 

    Constitutional experts in Managua say that the Liberal-Sandinista share-out of the supreme court breaks about every rule in the book. It ignored a law stipulating that the nominations of supreme court justices should come from a special commission of magistrates. It also ignored the rule that appointments should be voted on individually, not en bloc. Finally, it included in the same package the replacements of justices whose mandates had expired with those of other justices whose terms have not yet run out. 

    The big problem, of course, is that seeking a ruling of unconstitutionality would be fruitless, since it would be heard by the very court whose legitimacy was being questioned. 

    A radical way out of this dilemma has been suggested by constitutional lawyer Gabriel Alvarez. Since the legislators clearly violated the constitution, he says, President Enrique Bolaños is constitutionally empowered to 'use the army to restore constitutional order.' This would entail dissolving the current national assembly and calling new legislative elections.

  • DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: Meija admits that Fernandez could win

    24 April 2007 Hits: 537

    POLL FAVOURITE IS FORMALLY NOMINATED BY THE PLD 

    The rival who President Hipólito Mejí­a fears most, former President Leonel Fernández, has been formally proclaimed presidential candidate by the Partido de la Liberación Dominicana (PLD). In internal elections held on 27 July, he beat his closest rival, former running-mate Jaime David Fernández Mirabal, by 87.2% to 12.3%. 

    In an uncharacteristic outburst, Mejí­a said days ago that Fernández represented a 'danger' to the ruling Partido Revolucionario Dominicano (PRD) -and could win the presidential elections scheduled for May next year. Mejí­a, who aspires to be re-elected, has not yet been formally nominated by his party. 

    The only other contender in the field is Eduardo Estrella, of the conservative Partido Reformista Social Cristiano (PRSC). His narrow victory in internal elections held on 30 March were unsuccessfully contested by his rival, former Vice-President Jacinto Peynado, who claimed that Mejí­a had connived to get Estrella nominated in order to boost his own chances.

  • CAFTA: Bid to re-unify stances

    24 April 2007 Hits: 557

    The umbrella business association of Central America (Fecamco) has appealed to the presidents of the subregion to unify the positions of their respective countries as 'a matter of urgency' in the Central American Free Trade Area (Cafta) talks. Failure to do this, says Fenamco, could jeopardise the whole deal and put at risk the whole idea of regional integration. 

    With four rounds of negotiations to go, the Cafta trade talks have reached a crucial stage. In the last round, in Tegucigalpa, Honduras, Guatemala went out on a wing to offer the US better access to its market -tariff-free access for 75% of US products- than the other Central American states. 

    Guatemala's unilateral proposal caused serious friction amongst representatives at the talks and uproar in the press, but this is the first time an influential business group has petitioned the regional governments to resolve their differences. 

    In the petition, Fecamco says that regional businesses have 'invested their hopes in this treaty which will open up access to their main trading partner under a permanent scheme with clear rules.' It expressed serious concern at the Guatemalan government's proposal, which 'breaks the spirit of consensus,' and urged the other governments to heal the rift quickly. 

    Actually, even Guatemalan business associations thought their government had gone out on a limb. 

    What seemed to encourage the Guatemalan government was the apparent abandonment by the US of the notion that it wanted a unified Central American proposal to deal with. 

    This and all, by the end of last week the Guatemalan government was issuing discreet signals that it might, after all, seek to 'harmonise' its stance with the rest of Central America. 

    Others who at one point had imagined it expedient to tag onto the Cafta talks, like the Dominican Republic and Panama, appear now content with the idea of negotiating separate deals --which in any case Washington seems to prefer.