From Latin American Security & Strategic Review

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  • Another ‘near miss’ in the hunt for ‘el Chapo’

    LatinNews 16 November 2015 Hits: 2

    Ninety-seven days after Joaquín Guzmán (‘el Chapo’) broke out of the Altiplano high-security prison, the government’s security cabinet announced that he had evaded recapture somewhere in the northeast of the country and in his flight had suffered injuries to a leg and his face ― not, the official communiqué said, as a result of a ‘direct confrontation’. To date, the authorities have not added any precision to this account, save to deny some claims in the media. Though a full, accurate account is yet to emerge, the information that has become available suggests that the government may have had good reasons to remain tight-lipped.

    On 16 October the security cabinet (the ministers of interior, defence and navy, the federal procurator-general and the national security commissioner) issued the following communiqué:

    ‘Regarding information published by some national and international media, the institutions forming the security cabinet of the government of the Republic report the following:

    ‘From the day Joaquín Guzmán Loera escaped, the institutions of the security cabinet set in motion a coordinated strategy with the objective of achieving his recapture. As part of these efforts and deriving from the work of intelligence and exchange of information with international agencies, operations have been carried out across the country, focusing in recent weeks on the northeastern region of the national territory.

    ‘As a consequence of these actions and in order to avoid his capture, in recent days the fugitive staged a precipitate escape which, according to information received, caused injuries to one of his legs and his face. It is important to emphasise that these injuries were not the result of a direct confrontation.’

    There was no mention of dates or locations of the events mentioned, nor of the source of the information about Guzmán’s reported injuries. Accounts provided by the media and officials speaking on and off the record point to government intelligence-driven operations focusing on the northeastern states of Durango and Sinaloa since late July. Between then and the date of the security cabinet communiqué three ‘narrow escapes’ by Guzmán were reported.

    From Altiplano to the Golden Triangle

    Investigations into Guzmán’s escape from Altiplano (according to a 21 October account by federal procurator-general Arely Gómez González) revealed that from the prison he had travelled overland to San Juan del Río (Querétaro), from where he continued on a light aircraft to Mazatlán (Sinaloa), then overland to Guasave. After that, according to the newspaper La Reforma, he flew into the mountains of the Triángulo Dorado (‘Golden Triangle’), which straddle the boundaries of Sinaloa, Durango and Chihuahua.

    Acting on intelligence which suggested that Guzmán would be travelling to a meeting in Los Mochis (Sinaloa), a marine unit was sent on 30 July to a rural area close to that city. By the time they arrived, Guzmán was gone. For the following two months, the trail went cold.

    According to an unnamed official cited in a CNN report, on 6 October Guzmán was spotted in Durango, with his sons. That same day, according to reports by neighbours, marines entered the village of El Verano, in Tamazula, Durango, and opened fire against some of the houses.

    The secretary of Tamazula municipality, Eduardo Mejía, said that through radio contact with the communities he had learnt that there had been an exchange of gunfire at El Verano, as a result of which a military helicopter was brought down, and that the marines had imposed a lockdown on the village. The Sinaloa-based newspaper El Debate reported claims by people in Tamazula that they had heard helicopters overhead followed by shots from an armed confrontation between gunmen and marines.

    The navy ministry (SEMAR) promptly denied that the marines had fired on houses, that a helicopter had been downed and that a lockdown had been imposed on either El Verano or nearby Los Limones.

    On 12 October observers from the national human rights commission (CNDH, an official body that acts as a public ombudsman) arrived for an inspection. The marines did not allow them to enter El Verano or take photos or videos; they were allowed to enter La Sierrita but not to take pictures. An officer told the observers that the people who had left were free to return, but warned them not to do so at night, or to disobey orders to halt, because they were under orders to open fire.

    On 14 October the governor of Sinaloa, Mario López, said that military operations were under way in the mountains between Jesús María, about 36km north of the state capital ― broadly hinting that they were searching for Guzmán. In Durango, he said, marines had encircled 13 communities where, according to a town councillor in Cosalá, Sinaloa, their presence and a crossfire had led about 260 people to flee and seek refuge in his city.

    On 16 October NBC reported that intercepted cell-phone signals suggested that Guzmán had been hiding in a ranch near Cosalá. An attack by helicopter-borne marines was aborted off when it was met by ground fire. By the time a ground sortie was carried out, an injured Guzmán and his bodyguards had fled on quads.

    [A different version was provided on 21 October by CNN, which cited ‘a Mexican official with knowledge of the investigation’ as its source: marines had spotted Guzmán near Cosalá but held back because he was with a child; later, seeing him alone, they pursued him on foot. In his flight Guzmán fell off a cliff, injuring himself; his bodyguards carried him away. This report says the Cosalá location was obtained from readings of digital instruments in Guzmán’s plane.]

    The first reaction to the NBC report, which had been rapidly picked up ― with various unsourced additions ― by other media, came almost immediately from national security commissioner Renato Sales. In a press conference he acknowledged that a confrontation had taken place (but did not say when) and denied that Guzmán had been recaptured. Soon afterwards came the security cabinet communiqué.

    Questioned on 26 October by a radio interviewer regarding the role of ‘international agencies’ in the search for Guzmán, interior minister Miguel Ángel Osorio Chong said that the US had helped ‘with information’ but that ‘not a single person’ belonging to US security agencies had taken part in operations within Mexico. The DEA has acknowledged its cooperation in the area of intelligence. Osorio was cautious about what might come next. ‘We are working on his capture,’ he said, ‘but it would be irresponsible to say that we have him in any single location or that we have him surrounded.’

  • Where the guns have been turning up

    LatinNews 16 November 2015 Hits: 2

    In the year to the end of last June the authorities seized 413 firearms from suspected members of organised crime. Just under two-thirds of them were picked up in three states ― Tamaulipas, Guerrero and Jalisco ― and 74 of them were long-barrelled weapons of a military-issue kind. The new data comes from the annual report of the federal procurator-general’s office (PGR), submitted last month to congress.

    Tamaulipas accounted for 34% of all seizures, Guerrero and Jalisco for just under 14% each. Next among the top five sources were Sinaloa (10%) and Sonora (8%). Attempts have been made to correlate these figure with the data on major crimes and produce a new ‘map of violence’, but they have stumbled on the same problem as when trying to calculate the flows of illegal drugs from the amounts seized by the authorities. Seizures can indicate either the efficiency of the law-enforcement agencies or the ability of the criminals to elude them.

    What has attracted much attention is the type of firearms seized by the Mexican authorities: 74% were long-barrelled (rifles and machineguns). The PGR report classifies the breakdown by calibre, showing three types of assault rifles accounting for 71% of all seizures: 48% were 7.62 x 39mm (typically the AK-47 type); 18% were .223 (typically the AR-15) and 5% were 5.56 x 45mm (typically the HK-G36).

    In the year under review the authorities also seized 66 explosive artifacts and munitions. Of these, 32% were fragmentation grenades, 29% were 40mm munitions for grenade launchers, and 23%, different kinds of anti-personnel mines.

    With the last year’s information the PGR has built up a database of 9,180 firearms and 2,108 grenades, the provenance of which it is trying to track. As we reported in June, data published by the US Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives (ATF) show that the US was probably the main source of slightly more than 45% of the 26,430 illegal firearms seized by the Mexican authorities and sent in 2011-14 to the US for tracing [SSR-15-06].

    The PGR report also said that in the year reviewed 31 members of 10 cartels had been tried and convicted. There is no strong correlation between the arms-seizure geography and that of the organised crime groups affected. Tamaulipas, top of the arms-seizure league, yielded 5 convictions (4 of Los Zetas, one of Golfo), second-ranking Guerrero also yielded 5, all of them of members of Los Rojos (but none of Guerreros Unidos, main actors in the Iguala massacre), and third-ranking Jalisco yielded 6 (3 each of the Sinaloa-Pacífico and Jalisco Nueva Generación cartels). The biggest number of convictions (9) was of members of the Beltrán Leyva organisation, originally associated with fourth-ranking Sinaloa.

    Firearms seized from organised crime

    September 2014-Jun 2015

     

    Tamaulipas

    142

    Sinaloa

    43

    Guerrero

    57

    Sonora

    32

    Jalisco

    56

    Country total

    413


    Source: PGR

  • POINTERS

    LatinNews 16 November 2015 Hits: 2

    MEXICO | Drubbings on the human rights front. The Mexican government has come in for strong criticism for its shortcomings in the area of human rights from two international bodies, as well as what amounted to a sanction from the US. On 2 October the president of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (CIDH in the Spanish acronym), Rose-Marie Belle Antoine, presented the initial findings of the 20-strong delegation that had spent five days meeting representatives of government, civil society and academia, as well as journalists and victims of human rights violations and their families, notably the relatives of the 43 students from the Ayotzinapa teacher training college who disappeared in Iguala, Guerrero state, in September last year.

    She said that ‘the magnitude of the problem of disappeared persons’ in the country was ‘alarming’ and that the ‘tragedy’ of the 43 Ayotzinapa students was not ‘an isolated tragedy, but rather part of a pattern of human rights violations that have occurred for decades.’

    The visit, she said, had confirmed ‘a situation of extreme insecurity and violence; serious human rights violations, especially enforced disappearances, extrajudicial executions, and torture; critical levels of impunity; and inadequate and insufficient attention to victims and their families.’ It drew attention to ‘an alarming number of criminal proceedings that have remained stagnant for years’ and ‘the infiltration by groups of organised crime in many police bodies, especially at the municipal level, as well as in agencies of the judicial system.’

    Less than a week later the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Zeid Ra’ad Zeid al-Hussein, concluded his own visit urging the government to set a firm deadline for removing the military from the streets and replacing them with well-trained police. This, he said: ‘must be driven by a sense of real urgency. It’s not something that can wait for months on end.’ He said the Iguala case was ‘a microcosm of the chronic problems underlying the relentless wave of human rights violations taking place across Mexico. In particular, it highlights the prevalence of impunity and the disregard for victims that affect the entire country.’ He also chided the government for its ‘intolerance of public criticism [which had] become manifest in reactions to most other recent international human rights reports on Mexico.’

    On 19 October the US State Department announced that it was withholding US$5m of this year’s US$148m allocation of security assistance funds for Mexico under the Mérida Initiative, because it had been ‘unable to certify that Mexico fully meets the criteria’ of advances in the area of human rights upon which 15% of the Mérida allocation is contingent. The funds withdrawn from Mexico’s allocation, said State, had been ‘reprogrammed’ to back Peru’s coca eradication effort.

     

    MEXICO | A majority feel unsafe. According to the national survey of urban public security conducted by the national institute of statistics and geography (INEGI) 68% of the population aged 18 or more who live in cities of more than 100,000 inhabitants consider that they feel unsafe in their cities. This is one percentage point lower than last June but higher than all the other readings since September last year. As many as 65.8% said that over the previous three months they had had to change their habits for fear of being victims of some crime; 50.2% said they no longer went out for walks after dark.

    Expectations of improvement are low: 34.9% of the respondents said they believed the situation would remain just as bad over the coming 12 months, and 29.8% said they thought it would worsen. However, those rating the performance of federal forces as very effective or somewhat effective reached 62.8% regarding the Gendarmería and 55.2% regarding the federal police.