Major anti-mining protests

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  • PERU: Humala changes tack on water versus gold

    LatinNews 21 June 2012 Hits: 905

    At the close of 2011 the public ombudsman’s office, Defensoría del Pueblo, reported that there were 149 active ‘social conflicts’ across Peru, of which 56 were about ‘socio-environmental’ issues. Among the most recent was the one that has since had the highest profile: the protest against Minera Yanacocha’s US$4.8bn Conga gold and copper project in Cajamarca, which is seen as threatening the surrounding area’s water supply through the displacement of four lakes.  The project was approved in 2010 and was scheduled to start producing in 2015; Yanacocha’s main shareholder is the US firm Newmont Mining.

    Protests against Conga built up steadily until they erupted last December during a week of violent clashes with police. The vandalisation of the firm’s property by rioters prompted President Ollanta Humala to impose a 60-day state of emergency. The situation became politically charged when the governor of Cajamarca openly sided with the protesters and issued a decree declaring the Conga project “non-viable”.

    In January the chief national prosecutor asked the constitutional court to declare the decree unconstitutional, while the interior ministry filed charges against the leaders of the protest, including the governor. This did not deter the protesters who, in early February, launched a ‘national march for water’, which attracted thousands, not only from Cajamarca but also from others joining along the way to Lima through La Libertad and Ancash - or making their way separately from Ayacucho, Ica, Huancayo and Moquegua. In the capital they presented a list of demands that, in addition to the cancellation of the Conga project, included legislation establishing the “intangibility of the headwaters of basins” and banning the use of cyanide and mercury in mining.

    On the latter it is worth noting that the use of mercury is prevalent among artisanal miners; it affects the miners and their families through inhalation, while residues can be absorbed by plants and animal life even at a distance from the sites. In late February the government issued a decree penalising illegal mining with prison terms of up to 10 years.

    Indigenous organisations demanded that the government amend the new mining law, approved last September and due to come into effect in February. The law extends the obligation of prior consultation with indigenous communities on projects that might affect them, making their prior consent a condition. They also want the amendment to be made retroactive. They warned that if the government did not initiate the amending process within 30 days, they would seek an injunction from the Inter-American Human Rights Commission.

    The government has already said it will not give the indigenous communities the right to veto projects and will not make the law retroactive. It has said, on the other hand, that it will have Conga’s environmental impact assessment (EIA) reviewed independently. The protesters say they will conduct their own study and have announced a major new wave of protests starting in early June.

    Worth noting: a survey by the polling firm GFK, released in early May, showed that the proportion of respondents opposing the Conga mine countrywide had fallen from 41% to 36% over the previous month; those approving the project had risen from 48% to 54%.

    Peru’s mining industry accounts for 15% of the country’s GDP. Last year mining exports brought in a record US$27.5bn - or 59% of all export earnings. The September law had changed the tax régime for mining companies, replacing the old rate of 1%-3% of sales with a new one of 1%-12% of operating profits and adding a windfall tax of 2%-8.4% of net profits. The additional revenue from these changes, the government said, is to be used for social and physical infrastructure.

    Violence in Cusco

    President Humala, who during his electoral campaign stated that for him “water is more important than gold”, has swung around to attributing political motives to the protesters, most recently after protest actions (in May) in Espinar, Cusco, turned violent and left a toll of two dead and about 100 injured (70 of them police officers, according to the government).

    The protests were against Xstrata, proprietor of the Tintaya copper mine, and focused on reports that a study conducted late last year had detected high concentrations of arsenic, aluminium, iron, manganese, molybdenum, selenium and other metals in the Salado and Cañipía rivers, from which seven communities draw their drinking water. The protesters are demanding compensation: the concentration levels have been classified as non-lethal, but a risk of chronic intoxication has been underlined.

    On 28 May the government imposed a 60-day state of emergency in the province of Espinar. The mayor of Espinar, who joined the protests, was arrested. Humala, away addressing the International Labor Organization (ILO) in Geneva, denied charges that he was ‘criminalising’ protests; Prime Minister Oscar Valdés Dancuart said it was simply applying the law, while Interior Minister Wilver Calle Girón, a retired general until recently serving as deputy minister for defence policy, said that police in Espinar had been “obliged to respond with force” when they came under attack by protesters.

    Two other protests

    On 30 April several hundred protesters in Orurillo in the Melgar province of Puno, demanding the closure of the La Poderosa mine, administered by the Ciemsa consortium, set fire the company premises. The protesters claim that the underground silver, gold, zinc and lead mine is polluting the Huacoto River. The government rushed police reinforcements to the area, while the protesters have been announcing an “indefinite” mobilisation.

    Throughout May, protesters in La Oroya, Junín, demanded the reopening of the copper, zinc, lead and silver mine run by Doe Run Perú, closed down in 2009 due to financial difficulties and still due to present an environmental management study proving that it had overcome the problems that had earned it inclusion in the list of the world’s most polluted places.

    The company’s creditors have appointed a liquidator, but discussions were still taking place in May on a restructuring plan that could allow the mine to continue in operation — an outcome the government is supporting. Energy & Mines Minister Jorge Merino summed up the official stance saying, ‘The government’s position is to support the resumption of operations at La Oroya because we believe we must protect the workers, ensure respect for the environment and, above all, safeguard the health of La Oroya.’

    The Oroya miners’ union has objected to the creditors’ choice of administrator, on the ground that it has in the past been fined for irregularities. Congress has been studying draft legislation that would extend the deadline for the presentation of the required environmental adequacy and management programme (Pama in the Spanish acronym). However, the situation is complicated by the fact that Doe Run is suing the Peruvian government for compensation, for allegedly having breached the non-discrimination provisions of the free-trade agreement between the US and Peru.

  • ECUADOR: Correa sees Indians as turncoats

    LatinNews 21 June 2012 Hits: 674

    Protests against specific mining projects in Ecuador have been taking place against the backdrop of a broader confrontation between the government of President Rafael Correa and an umbrella indigenous organisation, the Confederación de Nacionalidades Indígenas del Ecuador (Conaie), which has been campaigning for new legislation that will give its member communities a greater say, including the right to veto, regarding any projects that might affect their natural resources. Conaie accuses Correa of favouring the interests of big mining firms.

    In March Conaie staged a countrywide demonstration, the ‘Marcha Nacional por el Agua, la Vida y la Dignidad de los Pueblos’ (‘National March for Water, Life and the Dignity of Peoples’), in which thousands converged on Quito to demand prompt approval of the law governing water resources and a ban on any further expansion of the oil-drilling frontier. The government organised counter-marches and Correa publicly accused Conaie of colluding with right-wing groups intent on destabilising his government. He argued that the impact of open-cast mining could be “95% reversed” after the mining ended and denied that any approved mining project would affect the sources of water. He also underlined that the mining law passed in 2009 ensured that “at least 60%” of the revenues from mining would go to the communities in the projects’ areas on influence.

    As the marchers were setting out towards Quito, demonstrators in the capital staged a “peaceful occupation” of the Chinese embassy to protest against the signing of an agreement between the government and the Chinese-owned Ecuacorriente for the exploitation of the Mirador copper deposit, which will be the country’s first major open-cast mine. With reserves estimated at 2.1m tonnes, the project has been costed at US$1.5bn. The deposit is located in El Pangui, in the southern Amazonian province of Zamora Chinchipe, in the territory of the Shuar people. Protesters say the mine could affect 227 sources of water in its surrounding area and would entail large-scale deforestation.

    Another project in Zamora Chinchipe, the Frutas del Norte gold and silver deposit of another Canadian firm, Kinross Gold, has been held up because Kinross has been seeking to renegotiate the terms of an agreement signed, in principle, last December. This project is expected to require the investment of about US$1.2bn; the deposit’s reserves have been estimated at 6.8m ounces (oz) of gold and 9.1m oz of silver. Protesters say this project poses the same kind of environmental risks as El Mirador.

    In early May in Shagli, Azuay, neighbours engaged in scuffles with officials of the environment and mining ministries and blocked them from initiating the process of consultation leading up to the environmental impact assessment (EIA) for the Vetas Grandes gold, silver and copper mine, for which the Canadian firm Cornerstone has been prospecting. The mine would be sited on an area bordering on the Cajas national park, which includes several water sources feeding into the Amazon basin; the Cornerstone concession, obtained a decade ago, is only one of four granted in the immediate vicinity of Vetas Grandes.

    In late May congress decided to launch, sometime in July, the “pre-legislative consultation” of the draft water law. It has made it clear that the results of the consultation will not be binding. This has only stiffened the resolve of the indigenous protest movement to continue with its campaign, now defined as seeking a comprehensive “agrarian revolution”. A first step has been an alliance of Conaie with the Federación Nacional de Organizaciones Campesinas e Indígenas (Fenocin) and the Federación Ecuatoriana de Indígenas Evangélicos (Feine).

  • PANAMA: Ngäbe Buglé win ban on mining

    LatinNews 21 June 2012 Hits: 780

    After the frequently violent protest campaigns of 2010 and 2011, which left a toll of two dead and succeeded in getting the newly amended mining law repealed, the Ngäbe Buglé people came out again in February this year to press for prompt passage of a special law banning all mining and hydroelectric projects in their semi-autonomous territory, the Comarca Ngäbe Buglé, carved out of the old provinces of Bocas del Toro, Chiriquí and Veraguas in 1997 and covering about a third of Panama’s total territory. They believed that Bill 415, agreed upon with the government in 2011, was being held up deliberately in the national assembly and that the government was trying to excise key provisions from it.

    In the middle of the Comarca lies the Cerro Colorado copper deposit, estimated to hold reserves of up to 11.2m tonnes (t), making it one of the world’s biggest. Exploratory work in the 1970s left large swathes of the mountain stripped and nearby communities reported significant contamination; exploitation would lay bare an open pit of about 630km2 and compromise the headwaters of the San Félix River.

    In fact, they were seeking to expand the scope of the 2011 agreement so that the ban should apply not only to the Comarca but to adjacent territories and settlements of Ngäbe Buglé elsewhere, as well as making the provisions of the law retroactive. The government insisted that the deal only included a ban on mining for metals within the Comarca. As it previous protest actions, the Ngäbe Buglé established roadblocks on several points along the Pan-American highway, which runs through Panama and connects it with Central America.

    As on previous occasions, protesters clashed with police; two died in confrontations between 5 and 7 February, 46 people were injured (six of them police officers) and about 100 were arrested. This led to negotiations that resulted in a lifting of the roadblocks, the release of those detained and a commitment to speed up passage of Bill 415. President Ricardo Martinelli said that the protests had been politically motivated, and the vice-president of the national assembly, Marcos González, accused the opposition Partido Popular (PP) and Partido Revolucionario Democrático (PRD) of using them as part of a plot to overthrow Martinelli.

    Two laws

    Over the ensuing month, punctuated by minor protest actions, an agreement was hammered out on a final text for Law 415, which was approved on 22 March and then was speedily promulgated by President Martinelli. This provided for a ban on mining in the Comarca and adjacent territories and settlements (fewer than the protesters had wanted) and rescinded all concessions previously granted, but in the case of hydroelectric projects just established prior consultation and approval by referendum instead of a ban. It reserved a share in the revenues from future hydro projects to the Ngäbe Buglé, stipulated that people displaced by hydro projects should receive prior compensation, and made the provisions of the law retroactive.

    On 28 March the assembly approved a new mining code (Law 394), applicable to the country as a whole, which broadly reinstates the provisions of the one repealed in 2011; however, it specifically bans the granting of concessions to “foreign governments or states, or any foreign official or semi-official entity”. This was intended to counter the criticism aimed by nationalists at the previous law, which was interpreted as allowing foreign states in, under the cover of foreign firms.

  • ARGENTINA: String of protest actions with varied outcomes

    LatinNews 21 June 2012 Hits: 538

    Argentina, where mining exports have increased more than sevenfold since 1993, has had mining-related unrest in seven provinces strung along the country’s western Andean ‘spine’, and two more in downstream river basins. The most outstanding are:

    ■ Bajo La Alumbrera - an open-cast copper and gold mine located in Catamarca and operated by Minera Alumbrera, half-owned by Xstrata, by agreement with Yacimientos Mineros de Agua de Dionisio (YMAD), a company owned by the government of Catamarca and the Universidad Nacional de Tucumán. It began operations in 1997. It has been accused of polluting the environment in Catamarca and contaminating the basin of the Salí-Dulce River, which runs through Tucumán and Santiago del Estero. A court-ordered environmental audit in 2007 found no evidence of contaminants in above-normal concentrations. Last February a federal court ordered a reassessment; the national government has been pressing Minera Alumbrera to invest more in the country.

    In its most recent phase, which began last February, the protest against Bajo La Alumbrera involved successive ‘selective’ roadblocks in Catamarca and Tucumán, which were forcibly removed by police. The aim of the protesters has been to disrupt the flow of supplies to the mine.

    ■ Famatina is a gold exploration project in La Rioja, run by Osisko Mining Corporation under an agreement with ESME, the provincial state mining company. It has been strongly opposed by residents (and supporters across the country) since last August, on fears of widespread contamination by the planned open-cast mine. Protests were called off in late January when Osisko said it was suspending work and stated that it would not be resumed without a social licence.

    ■ San Jorge, a project for an open-cast copper and gold mining conducted by Coro Mining in Uspallata, Mendoza, began to attract protests in 2009. The provincial legislature refused to ratify a favourable environmental impact assessment in late 2011. It subsequently approved legislation establishing protected areas in the mountainous western reaches of three departments, where ‘mega-mines’ are banned.

    ■ Salinas Grandes-Guayatayoc is a lithium prospecting by 12 companies in the salt flats straddling the provinces of Salta and Jujuy that has moved 33 indigenous communities to appeal to the federal supreme court for an order of consultation and participation, in furtherance of an injunction request filed in November 2010. The court began to hear the case in late March.

    ■ Campana Mahuida is an open-cast copper mining project in Loncopué, Neuquén; it has been resisted by locals, including Mapuche communities, since the late 1990s. Resorting to the courts, they first blocked a project by Golden Peaks, then one by Emprendimientos Mineros, an affiliate of the Chinese firm Metallurgic Construction Corporation in association with the provincial state mining firm Cormine. The protesters finally succeeded in getting supreme court approval for a binding referendum that in early June 2012 voted against ‘mega-mines’ in the area.

    ■ Pascua Lama & El Pachón is a bi-national Argentine-Chilean polymetallic mining projects in the high Andes, both located in San Juan on the Argentine side. Challenges to the project are now before Argentina’s supreme court (see pages 15-16 for details).

  • REGION: Four schemes with transnational implications

    LatinNews 21 June 2012 Hits: 622

    Four mining projects that have attracted opposition straddle international borders. Two of them, Pascua Lama and Pachón, are in South America, involve the same countries — Argentina and Chile — and have provoked the same kind of objections. The other two, Cerro Blanco and Crucitas, are in Central America and have also provoked similar objections, but they involve different pairs of countries: Guatemala and El Salvador in one; Costa Rica and Nicaragua in the other. The potential for interstate confrontation came to the surface in one case.

    Pascua Lama

    The Pascua Lama gold, silver and copper deposits straddle the Andes at an altitude of 4,500m between the Chilean province of Huasco, Atacama, and the Argentine one of San Juan. Nevada, an affiliate of the Canadian firm Barrick Gold, first obtained approval for an environmental impact assessment (EIA) of an open-cast mine in 2001 (at a time when nobody appeared to be aware of the presence of glaciers in the area to be mined). The governments of Argentina and Chile, which had signed a treaty of mining integration and complementation in 1997, signed in 2004 a protocol applicable to the case of Pascua Lama. A second set of EIAs was approved by the two governments in 2006, with the proviso that the glaciers, by then a known factor, were not to be affected (three of them lay in the path of the open pit). Barrick Gold announced the beginning of works in 2009. The Diaguita-Calchaquí people have taken to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights a claim that the company has usurped their ancestral rights and that they have been deliberately ignored by the company and the governments of both countries. Farmers in Chile’s Huasco valley have voiced fears that harm to the glaciers will have a knock-on effect on the rivers they rely upon for irrigation. Environmentalists have raised concerns about possible pollution from mercury. It has been noted that this project would fall afoul of Argentina’s glacier protection law if it were to be applied throughout the country, but the government of San Juan province has managed to avoid implementing it.

    El Pachón

    Like Pascua Lama, this copper and molybdenum mining project run by the Swiss-based firm Xstrata is being developed under the Argentine-Chilean mining integration treaty of 1997. Unlike Pascua Lama, in this case the mine is entirely in Argentina, in Calingasta in the province of San Juan, across the border from the Los Pelambres copper mine in the Choapa province of Coquimbo. Chile’s involvement is twofold: the filtration of the ore extracted in Argentina and its transport to the port of Coquimbo on the Pacific for export. The main objection to this project is its foreseen impact on glaciers. The company has located 205 glaciers in the area of the project and the Centro de Derechos Humanos y Ambiente (Cedha) has located another 60. Many of these are rock glaciers, which are harder to detect than conventional ones and can be found at altitudes as low as 3,300m (the mine will be 300m higher). Cedha has said that damage to these glaciers and their flora could affect the flow and quality of the water in rivers running through Calingasta (Santa Cruz, Blanco and de los Patos) and therefore the region’s network of irrigation canals. As in the case of Pascua Lama it has been pointed out that this project would be in breach of the national glacier protection law. Xstrata has announced that it will submit its EIA to both governments in the second quarter of this year.

    Controversial transborder projects

    Countries involved

    Project

    Motive

    Argentina-Chile

    Pascua Lama

    Threat to glaciers

    Argentina-Chile

    El Pachón

    Threat to glaciers

    Guatemala-El Salvador

    Cerro Blanco

    Threat of river pollution.

    Costa Rica-Nicaragua

    Crucitas

    Threat to San Juan river

     

    Source: Sistema de Información para la gestión comunitaria de conflictos socio-ambientales mineros en Latinoamérica (Ocmal).

    Cerro Blanco

    The development of the Cerro Blanco gold mine in Asunción Mita, in Guatemala’s Jutiapa department, is an undertaking of Entre Mares, an affiliate of the Canadian firm Gold Corp. The project was approved by the Guatemalan government in 2007 — according to the Colectivo Madre Selva, without consulting the population of the area around the projected mine. Though the mine will be entirely inside Guatemala, there are fears that its environmental impact could affect neighbouring El Salvador. This is based on the assumption that the cyanide used by the mine could contaminate the river Ostúa (or Grande), which flows into nearby Lake Güija (on the border with El Salvador), and through it into the Lempa River inside El Salvador. There are also fears that the project’s need for huge quantities of water could divert it from the irrigation of small farms in the area. In the areas where the impact of the mine is feared, around Asunción Mita in Guatemala and in Metapán in El Salvador, there are about 40 peasant and indigenous communities.

    The emplacement of the mine is within the Trifinio Fraternidad area, 7,541km2 around the point where Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras meet and where joint management of natural resources is entrusted by treaty to a trilateral commission. At the request of the three governments, in June 2011 the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (Unesco) declared the Trifinio Fraternidad a Biosphere Reserve. the government of Guatemala has been sidestepping the demands of local communities and environmentalists on the grounds that the project has yet to reach extraction stage (though it did agree to set up a bilateral commission with El Salvador to assess its possible impact).

    Crucitas

    The Crucitas gold mining project, conducted by Industrias Infinito, a local affiliate of the Canadian firm Infinito Gold, aims to develop a deposit in the San Carlos district of Costa Rica’s northern province of Alajuela. It has been strongly opposed by environmentalists in Costa Rica and in neighbouring Nicaragua. The main objections are the possible loss of about 264 hectares of primary and secondary forest and contamination due to the use of cyanide — the latter being of particular concern to Nicaragua, since the location of the mine is only 3km from the San Juan River, which belongs to Nicaragua (its southern bank marking the border with Costa Rica). The Nicaraguan government, already embroiled in a territorial dispute with Costa Rica over Portillo Island at the eastern end of the San Juan River, has opposed the project from the start. In November 2011 the administrative panel of the Costa Rican supreme court annulled the concession granted to Industrias Infinito on the grounds that it was vitiated by illegalities. However, a final decision is up to the supreme court’s constitutional panel.