MEXICO: PRD struggles in the elections
The opinion polls are pointing to a thumping defeat for the leftwing Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD) in the mid-term congressional elections on 5 July. Currently, the PRD is the second biggest party in the lower chamber of congress with 126 of the chamber's 500 seats. The party is badly split, most damagingly in its heartland of Mexico City.
The splits are encapsulated by what is happening in the campaign to become jefe delegacional (ie borough president) in the Mexico City district of Iztapalapa. Here a candidate who supports Andrés Manuel López Obrador, the leader of the radical wing of the PRD, has been thwarted from standing by a series of clever manoeuvres by the Nueva Izquierda wing of the PRD. These manoeuvres culminated in a ruling from the Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación (TEPJF).
Iztapalapa was the only district in Mexico City in which López Obrador failed to get his candidate nominated. The city government is run by the mayor, Marcelo Ebrard, who is loyal to López Obrador.
The tangle at Iztapalapa is complicated and López Obrador's solution makes major demands of voters. Essentially, López Obrador's voters are now in a position in which if they vote for who appears to be the PRD candidate they will be in fact voting against López Obrador and Ebrard.
The TEPJF, a federal body, eventually ruled on 11 June that the PRD's candidate in Iztapalapa should be Silvia Oliva rather than Clara Brugada. The TEPJF was ruling on the result of a disputed internal PRD primary, in March, which Brugada appeared to have won convincingly. The TEPJF decision has come so late that the ballot papers had already been printed with Brugada as the PRD candidate.
López Obrador and his supporters (and even some fair-minded political commentators) objected furiously to the TEPJF decision. López Obrador saw the decision as a government attempt to foment divisions in the PRD. Fair minded commentators, such as Sergio Sarmiento, a columnist for Reforma and the presenter of an important political show on TV Azteca, argue that the TEPJF decision breaks a fundamental principle that the will of the voters should prevail over minor infringements of electoral laws. Sarmiento pointed out that the TEPJF had used this argument in rejecting López Obrador's allegations that the 2006 elections were marred by infringements and therefore the votes from some places should be annulled.
The TEPJF ruling in Iztapalapa was based on the principle that Oliva's political rights had been compromised and it annulled votes from 81 of the 471 polling stations used by the PRD in the March primary. The TEPJF's reason for annulling the votes is feeble: it claims that some of the PRD supervisors whose scheduled replacements had not turned up were replaced by people who were standing about. As this was a party primary and all the replacements were party members, this seems a strange basis on which to abandon a principle.
What makes the TEPJF decision even more controversial is that Oliva has started to stake out some very un-PRD like positions, such as advocating the use of the army for social work in Iztapalapa. She also said that she would work with the federal government, which López Obrador calls illegitimate (largely because of the TEPJF's refusal to strike out dubious results). The PRD still has a strong anti-government stance, largely because of the weight López Obrador still wields in the party.
López Obrador has come up with a complicated scheme to get around the problem caused by the over-prompt printing of the ballot paper. This problem is, essentially that a vote for Brugada on the ballot paper (where her name appears) is in fact a vote against her and a vote for Oliva who is now the official PRD candidate.
What López Obrador and his supporters have come up with is a campaign to get PRD voters to back Rafael Acosta, the Partido del Trabajo candidate. If Acosta, who is known as Juanito wins, he will resign and Ebrard will ask the new Mexico City assembly to choose Brugada to replace Acosta as Iztapalapa's jefe delegacional.
The race in Iztapalapa is between Oliva and Brugada. Iztapalapa is a bastion of the PRD. In 2006 the Partido Acción Nacional (PAN) won 18% of the vote in the borough and the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) only 11%. Then the López Obrador-led coalition, Por el Bien de Todos, won 60% of the vote in the borough. In 2006 Por el Bien de Todos was composed of the PRD, Convergencia and the Partido del Trabajo.
The feuds on the Left mean that López Obrador is campaigning everywhere in Mexico City (except Iztapalapa) for the PRD but everywhere else in Mexico for the more radical alliance of the PT and Convergencia. The result at Iztapalapa will show which wing of the PRD carries most sway with voters in Mexico City. The result will also have major implications for what happens on the Left in 2012.
If Acosta/Brugada win, López Obrador will have confirmed that he is the dominant force on the Left and the Jesús Ortega-led Nueva Izquierda is heading nowhere. If, however, López Obrador loses in Iztapalapa, his grip on the Left will have been prised loose. This can only be good news for whoever is the PRI candidate for the presidency in 2012.
- Gang killings
In 2008, 1,600 of the 5,630 gang killings in Mexico took place in Ciudad Juárez. To date this year, 829 people have been killed by gangs in the state of Chihuahua, virtually all of them in Ciudad Juárez.