Mexico - January 2026

Insecurity on Mexico’s roads was thrown into the spotlight at the end of last year as transport workers blockaded roads in protest at unsafe working conditions. Transport workers called on the government led by President Claudia Sheinbaum to crack down on security issues affecting the sector, such as extortion, kidnapping, and cargo truck hijacking. The protests took place alongside those from the agricultural sector, where workers were denouncing unfair pricing and a new water law. The government reached an agreement with both sectors on 27 November, resulting in the lifting of the roadblocks. However, industry associations involved in the demonstrations have pledged to scrutinise the government’s actions closely, saying they will reimpose roadblocks if it fails to comply with agreed points.

Workers affiliated with the transport industry group Asociación Nacional de Transportistas (Antac) took part in a national strike from 24-27 November, blocking major roads across 17 states. The protesters called on the government to address escalating highway crime such as violent cargo truck theft, extortion of drivers at checkpoints, and the holding of drivers for ransom.

On 27 November the interior ministry (Segob) announced that transport workers had agreed to lift the blockades, saying the government would set up a permanent working group in the lower chamber to address concerns around highway safety. On 29 November the public security minister, Omar García Harfuch, announced he had met with representatives from transport associations. He reiterated the government’s commitment to strengthening security on the roads, saying that the government would reinforce coordination mechanisms, follow up on investigation files in state attorney general’s offices, and strengthen operations on routes with the greatest number of incidents. He also said the government would leverage the national strategy against extortion to address complaints from the transport sector and that the government would hold meetings to follow up on agreements and results.

David Estévez, president of Antac, said that although the association was not “totally satisfied” with the agreement, they had ensured the government had committed to addressing insecurity on the roads. He praised “positive agreements” such as the pledge to set up a specialised prosecutor’s office for highway crimes and a focus on road sections with the highest crime rates.

Despite the agreement, President Sheinbaum and Segob had maintained that there was no need for the protests as the government was addressing the demands of both the transport and agricultural sectors and had maintained open dialogue with them. On 25 November Sheinbaum hailed a 54% drop in cargo truck thefts, comparing the daily average in October 2025 to that in January 2018. While highlighting the importance of this drop, she noted that it was “necessary to keep working” as “we want there to be zero robberies on all the roads in Mexico”.

According to official statistics cited in the local press, more than 5,200 cargo trucks were robbed between January and October, equating to an average of 21 per day. Of these thefts, some 80% were violent. However, some industry groups put this figure much higher. The issue is particularly pronounced in central Mexico, with highways connecting Mexico City (CDMX) to other major hubs proving the most vulnerable. According to logistics security advisory firm Overhaul, during the first three quarters of 2025 Puebla and Estado de México (Edomex), both of which neighbour CDMX, were the two most dangerous states in Mexico for cargo truck theft, with the two states accounting for 41% of all reported incidents in the country. The states of Guanajuato (9%), San Luis Potosí (7%), and Michoacán (7%) recorded the next highest percentage of cases. Trucks transporting food and drink were the most frequently targeted (25% of cases), followed by those transporting auto parts (12%), miscellaneous goods (10%), and industrial and construction materials (8%).

Extortion is another issue, with drivers reporting being stopped at checkpoints and asked to pay sums of money for supposedly lacking documentation. In extreme cases, drivers can be kidnapped and held for ransom until extortion fees are paid. At the end of October, Fernando Galindo Salvador, a member of the Alianza de Autotransportistas Autónomos de la República Mexicana (AAMARM) transport union, was kidnapped in Jilotepec municipality, Edomex, sparking protests from workers affiliated with the union. The protesters called on the government to act and rejected the “normalisation” of such crimes against transport workers. Galindo, whose kidnapping was reportedly linked to a refusal to pay extortion fees, was found on 4 November. Three people were arrested in relation to his abduction.

While such crimes directly affect drivers, the companies they work for, and those that produce the goods they transport, they have a knock-on effect across the productive supply chain due to delays and economic losses. Mexican business lobby Confederación de Cámaras Industriales de México (Concamin) has said that losses from cargo theft amount to some M$15m (US$822,835) per day. It is also a deterrent for foreign companies looking to invest in Mexico, especially given that cargo theft hotspots include major manufacturing hubs such as Puebla, Edomex and, to a lesser extent, Jalisco and Guanajuato. It was this importance for the supply chain that transport workers and farmers highlighted when joining forces to protest in November, with Antac and rural producers’ organisations stating: “Without the countryside there is no food, without transportation there is no supply. We are the blood and veins of Mexico.”

Farmers’ protests

Farmers who were protesting alongside transport workers in November also agreed to lift the roadblocks. However, protests erupted again in early December as congress debated, and approved, a controversial new water law and reforms to the existing water law, which had been a key driver of the farmers’ protests the previous month.

Some industry organisations such as the agriculture and livestock confederation, Consejo Nacional Agropecuario (CNA), expressed satisfaction with the government’s efforts at dialogue and the modifications it made to the legislation on the sector’s recommendations. However, other groups, such as the Frente Nacional para el Rescate del Campo Mexicano (FNRCM) and Movimiento Agrícola Campesino (MAC), were less pleased.

Among other things, the law bans the transfer of water concessions. If a corporation holding a water concession, or land with an associated concession, is sold or transferred, the water concession does not transfer automatically, meaning the new owner must apply to the national water commission (Conagua) for a new concession. Similarly, if the original use of a concession changes, the owner must reapply. Conagua is also able to revoke concessions more easily, for example if a water concession is unused for a certain period, or in the case of a water emergency, shortages, or overexploitation. The bill also introduces stricter penalties for water-related crimes.

While the government argues the bill seeks to avoid water hoarding and ensure equal and sustainable access, farmers state the law centralises the control of water and makes it more difficult to sell their land, given it has no value without the water concession. The political opposition has also slammed the legislation as a move by the government to gain control over the use of water. When the new legislation passed congress on 4 December, Alejandro Moreno, the national leader of the centrist opposition Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), stated that “Morena’s water law is an imposition and blatant robbery.”

CNSP

During an appearance before the government’s national public security council (CNSP) on 11 December, Godoy stated that the “new phase” of the FGR would see a commitment “to strengthening [the FGR’s] participation and delivering better results in our area of responsibility”. She said she was aware of the “size of the challenges that criminal organisations represent”, as well as the diversification of their activities, stating that the victims of crime and society in general “deserve a comprehensive system of prevention, investigation, administration, and delivery of justice”.

Corrupt officials

In another sign of her crusade against corrupt officials, on 11 December Godoy announced that the FGR had obtained M$62.88m (US$3.49m) for the Mexican State in compensation for damages. The money was obtained from individuals identified as Ricardo ‘M’, a former official of the social development secretariat (Sedesol) and José ‘M’, a former rector of the Universidad Intercultural del Estado de México (UIEM), for damages caused by the misuse of powers and authority.