Mexico - July 2026

On 29 May the Mexican senate approved a constitutional reform that allows the annulment of elections in the case of foreign interference or meddling. The reform was passed with 85 votes in favour and 42 against after clearing the lower chamber the previous day. The reform comes amid other election-related pieces of legislation that have been fast-tracked through congress in recent weeks before the electoral period for next year’s midterms begins in September. The ruling Movimiento Regeneración Nacional (Morena) and its allies, the Partido del Trabajo (PT) and Partido Verde Ecologista de México (PVEM), argue that the reform is necessary in the face of growing threats of foreign meddling in elections. However, opposition senators have stated the reform is open to manipulation and designed to further consolidate Morena’s power.

The government has presented the new annulment criteria as necessary to protecting Mexican sovereignty and democracy. Indeed, prior to its approval by the senate, President Claudia Sheinbaum responded to a question regarding the reform in a press conference, stating that “all Mexicans should agree that there should be no foreign interference in elections in Mexico”.

The reform adds a sub-clause to Section VI of Article 41 of the constitution, which establishes that national sovereignty resides in the people, and dictates the fundamental rules of democracy, the electoral system, and the functioning of political parties in the country. In the initiative presented to the senate, the existing grounds for annulment under Article 41, such as excessive campaign spending or the improper purchase of media coverage on radio and television, are highlighted. However, it also points out that the article does not provide for acts of foreign intervention or interference that influence election results as a direct ground for annulment.

The initiative states the reform is needed due to the potential use of new mechanisms that could facilitate foreign intervention, such as digital manipulation, opaque funding, cyberattacks, or coordinated disinformation campaigns that go beyond the measures currently accounted for under Article 41. Under the reform, the federal electoral tribunal (TEPJF) would be responsible for determining whether acts of foreign intervention or interference have been proven to have influenced election results. If so, a mandatory re-run would be called.

Upon presenting the resolution, the chair of the constitutional affairs committee, Óscar Cantón Zetina (Morena), argued that the bill “serves a higher purpose, one that is deeply democratic and patriotic, because it aims to ensure that, in Mexico, decisions are taken by the people, free from pressure, foreign funding, manipulation campaigns, and external interests masquerading as civil society organisations, public opinion or so-called democracy”. Another Morena senator, Cynthia López Castro, also justified the reform with the example that the US, among other countries, had already adopted laws to ban foreign interference, while the Morena chair of the first legislative studies committee, Manuel Huerta Ladrón de Guevara, assured that the new grounds for annulment are neither automatic nor discretionary. He explained that the existence of acts of foreign intervention or interference must be objectively proven, as well as their severity, intent, and impact on election results.

The opposition appeared unconvinced by the alleged necessity of the reform and questioned its justification, as well as the effect it will have on democracy in Mexico. Senator Guadalupe Murguía Gutiérrez of the right-wing opposition Partido Acción Nacional (PAN) argued that the additional grounds for annulment are highly ambiguous and open to a dangerously discretionary interpretation. Beyond not providing sufficient time for states to update their regulations, the senator also accused the reform of jeopardising the freedom of expression of international organisations. These criticisms were reiterated by Mely Romero Celis, a senator for the centrist opposition Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), who described the reform as a new tool invented by Morena in order to annul elections “under provisions that are ambiguous, discretionary, and dangerously open to manipulation”.

Criticism has also come from elsewhere, including from Arturo Sarukhán, who served as Mexico’s ambassador to the US from 2007-2013 under former president Felipe Calderón (PAN, 2006-2012). Sarukhán denounced the reform on social media on 28 May as “one of the most egregious, alarming and retrograde pieces of legislation in Mexico’s young democratic history” and warned that “this law doesn’t prevent foreign interference. It hands the government a veto over election outcomes it doesn’t like.” Indeed, with midterm elections due next year, some critics view the reform as a bid to further boost Morena’s power, with PAN senator Ricardo Anaya stating that “what they want to ensure is total control”. Others have questioned the impartiality of the TEPJF. Political analyst Carlos Bravo Regidor told Mexican news channel NMás in late May that “if [Morena] wanted, they could allege foreign intervention and the court would rule in their favour”.

Bravo was likely referring to a modification that the lower chamber made to a separate electoral-related reform on 28 May, which permits the re-election of magistrates of the TEPJF. This would allow the current magistrates, who have consistently voted along government lines, to stay in their roles for another six-year term, meaning some could hold their position for 17 years in total. This provision forms part of a wider reform to the judicial election process, which would postpone the next round of judicial elections to 2028, reduce the number of candidates, and tighten screening criteria. This reform was also approved by the senate on 29 May. The same day, the senate approved a third electoral reform that seeks to prevent candidates with criminal links from running in elections by creating a commission to evaluate potential candidates.

As well as coming amid other electoral-related reforms, the annulment reform also comes as Mexico’s relations with the US have been particularly strained. Notably, the unauthorised presence of alleged Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) officials in Chihuahua state and the US indictment of 10 current and former officials from Sinaloa state for alleged drug cartel ties have caused Sheinbaum to up nationalist rhetoric and condemn US intervention in Mexico [SSR-26-06].

At a rally in Mexico City (CDMX) on 31 May, Sheinbaum justified the reform by denouncing the intensification of disinformation campaigns coming from national and international conservative sectors seeking to undermine governments, without specifying which. However, she openly questioned the motive of the CIA’s alleged presence in Mexico and the US indictment of Mexican officials, asking if there was a “legitimate interest” in helping Mexico and in combatting organised crime, or if the actions reflected an attempt by the US to influence next year’s midterm elections. Sheinbaum also rebuked the US ambassador to Mexico, Ronald Johnson, on 2 June, accusing him of interfering in the country’s “internal political issues” following comments he made in relation to the fight against cartels.

With the annulment reform approved by both chambers of congress, it now requires ratification by a majority of Mexico’s 32 states. As Morena controls 24 of these state governments, there is little question regarding the outcome, with foreign interference likely to remain a hot topic in the run-up to the midterms.

Sovereignty

Mexican sovereignty was a major focus of a speech delivered by Sheinbaum on 31 May to mark the second anniversary of her electoral victory in June 2024. “It must be very clear, Mexico does not tolerate interference in our internal affairs, because we do not meddle in the affairs of other nations,” Sheinbaum said, describing Mexico as “a free, independent, and sovereign country”. It was during this speech that she questioned the reasons behind recent US actions in relation to Mexico, suggesting they were electorally motivated.

Judicial elections

The next judicial elections, now due to take place in June 2028, will see the Mexican public elect all judicial positions that were not included in last year’s vote. This consists of four magistrates of the upper chamber of the federal electoral tribunal (TEPJF), 463 federal circuit judges, 385 federal district judges, and over 3,000 local positions (424 magistrates and 2,831 judges across 25 states). Under the new reform, the elections can take place in the same polling station as general elections, with the presidential recall vote due to take place at the same time.