Brazil & Southern Cone - June 2013 (ISSN 1741-4431)

In late May, the president of Chile’s Partido Comunista (PC), Guillermo Teillier, formally declared his party’s backing for former president, Michelle Bachelet (2006-2010), the favourite for the November presidential contest.

This is the first time the PC has backed a candidate from the main centre-left Concertación alliance (comprising four parties) in the first round. President Sebastián Piñera and his ruling Coalición por el Cambio (CC) were quick to indulge in some scare-mongering, warning that the PC’s support would pull the Concertación to the radical left. There has also been some unease from within the Concertación itself – in particular from its most centrist member, Partido Democráta Cristiano (PDC).

Teillier cited various reasons behind his party’s decision to back Bachelet ahead of the 30 June national primary contest. Bachelet, who is backed by two of the Concertación members, her own Partido Socialista (PS) and the Partido Por la Democracia (PPD), is facing in the primaries: Claudio Orrego of the PDC; José Antonio Gómez of Partido Radical Socialdemócrata (PRSD); and her former finance minister, Andrés Velasco, formerly of the PS but now running as an independent.

Teillier noted Bachelet’s declared interest, first mentioned back in April, in reforming the 1980 constitution dating from the military dictatorship. Bachelet has convened a group of experts to draft some proposals but has failed to provide details as to what will be changed, merely citing a need to revise “all the elements of the development model, which has prevented Chile from growing harmoniously from the point of individuals, the economy and the environment”.

Teillier also cited Bachelet’s interest in changing the binominal electoral system, which smaller parties complain works to the advantage of the dominant coalitions, and her call for free education for all, which forms part of her pledge to address inequality and underpins her electoral platform.

While Bachelet was quick to dismiss the possibility that any political “transaction” had ensued in exchange for the PC’s declaration of support, local media suggested it corresponded to a deal to allow the charismatic former student leader and up and coming PC member, Camila Vallejo, to run uncontested for a seat in the 128-seat lower chamber of congress, without facing a Concertación challenger.

The PC backing for Bachelet prompted President Piñera to declare that the Concertación had “veered sharply to the Left”. There was a similar response from the two primary presidential candidates for the ruling Coalición por el Cambio, former economy minister Pablo Longueira of the dominant right-wing Unión Demócrata Independiente (UDI) and the former defence minister Andrés Allamand of Piñera’s right-of-centre Renovación Nacional (RN). Longueira slammed the PC as “Chavistas”, identifying the party with the radical leftism of the late Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez (1999-2013). He said it constituted “a change we’ve not seen since the return to democracy” in 1990 – sentiments echoed by Allamand.

The most unease, however, has come from within the Concertación itself, prompting fresh questions as to future of the coalition if (or when), as expected, Bachelet wins the presidency. Orrego and Velasco have both said in no uncertain terms that they would not be prepared to work with the PC in government.

Orrego spoke of the “profound differences” between the PC and the PDC, echoing Piñera’s remarks that the coalition risked losing its status as a centre-left alliance. The PDC since has sought to downplay these differences ahead of the campaign.  On 18 June the PDC’s vice president, Fuad Chahín, told reporters that the debate about any future collaboration with the PC would resume only after the presidential election, in order avoid “contaminating the campaign”.

First debates

The first televised debates have taken place ahead of the 30 June primaries. The competing members of the Concertación faced off on 10 June, with the two pre-candidates for the ruling coalition debating three days later. Both Longueira and Allamand did a good job of burying their past differences [RBS-13-05], appearing united in their opposition to things like gay marriage and universal free education at all levels.

However clear divisions within the Concertación emerged in relation to education and changes to the constitution. Both Bachelet, who already has unveiled her education proposal (see sidebar) and Gómez called for universal free education at all levels. Orrego and Velasco took the government line – that it would only serve to benefit the privileged, who can and should pay, they argued.

As regards constitutional reform, Gómez explicitly called for a constituent assembly, while both Velasco and Orrego came out against it, albeit tempering this by underlining their openness to constitutional reform. Bachelet highlighted the need for a brand new constitution and she didn’t rule out the possibility of convening a constituent assembly.

• Bachelet’s education proposal

Michelle Bachelet’s education proposal is based on four planks: an end to for-profit education; improving the quality of education; an end to segregation and substantial advances towards universal free education at all levels. The plans would establish two new universities – one in the central Libertador Bernardo O´Higgins region and the other in the southern region of Aysén. The reform would cost 1.5%-2.0% of GDP, financed via a tax reform that would raise the corporate tax rate from 20%-25% over a four year period.  Bachelet’s tax proposal, which also would lower the top rate of personal income tax to 35% from 40%, would raise US$8.2bn (equivalent to 3% of GDP).