Courcy's Intelligence Brief - 11 May 2011

Items

  • Nuclear calculations

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    The Iranian nuclear question has once again moved back to centre stage through the intervention of former Israeli Mossad chief Meir Dagan, who said on 6 May at a public meeting at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem that a possible Israeli attack against Iran’s nuclear facilities is “the most stupid idea I have ever heard”.

    This is not Dagan’s first public intervention in the debate about Iran’s nuclear capability.  In a clear reference to the Stuxnet virus attack on Iran’s nuclear facilities (first detected in June last year), Dagan said in January that Iran would not be able to produce a nuclear weapon before 2015 because of “measures that have been deployed against them”.

    Perhaps the reason for Dagan’s return to the public debate is that, since his January comments, some Israeli experts have attempted to counter that assertion by saying that only 10% of Iran’s centrifuges were destroyed by the Stuxnet computer worm, that they have been replaced already, and that Iran is maintaining its rate of production of enriched uranium.

    On 11 April, Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told European Union ambassadors to Israel that Iran had recently accelerated its nuclear programme as it appeared to sense a reduction in international pressure.  There have also been hints from Jerusalem that both Netanyahu and Defence Minister Ehud Barak favour an early strike.

    Dagan’s objections are threefold.  First, he thinks initiatives such as the Stuxnet virus attack, targeted killings of scientists, and the recruitment of insiders can continue to push back the moment when Iran acquires nuclear weapons.  Second, he believes that Iran has learnt the lessons of the Israeli attack on the Iraqi reactor at Osirak in 1981 and dispersed its facilities in such a way that any attack would only provide a short respite.  And, thirdly, he fears that an Israeli military attack on Iran would spark a war.

    Dagan said: “Anyone attacking Iran needs to understand that it could start a regional war which will include missile fire from Iran and Hezbollah in Lebanon. The Iranian problem must be made an international problem, and we must continue to work to delay the nuclear program.”  He also believes that Syria could enter any such war.

    Interestingly, the day before Dagan’s remarks, Defence Minister Ehud Barak said that he did not believe Iran would use a nuclear weapon against Israel.  But then he seemed to contradict himself by saying that the Iranian regime was irrational and that “with such a leadership sitting in a bunker in Tehran and thinking it’s going to fall in a few days...I don’t know what it would do”.  A few days later Barak also contradicted Dagan directly, saying: “I’m not sure this stance is correct.”

    Our own view is that Dagan is probably right about the difficulty of completely destroying Iran’s nuclear programme with a military strike.  However, evidence from other sources does suggest that he could be overly optimistic about how much time there is left.  Thirdly, when warning about the regional consequences of an Israeli attack on Iran, he is overlooking the strong private support that such an attack would be given by the Gulf states.

    On the other hand, as far as Barak’s views are concerned, there is more in his half-held belief that Iran would never strike Israel first with nuclear weapons than he himself believes.  It is surprising how many analysts appear to miss the point about the Iranian nuclear programme.  It is not intended for first use against Israel; it is intended to prevent Israel’s own use of nuclear weapons.

    A strong argument (supported by 66 years of history) can be made for the proposition that nuclear weapons are unusable against any state that can retaliate in kind.  What is thought possible, however, is that Israel might resort to nuclear defence if it were faced with an overwhelming conventional attack, as in 1973, and felt that total defeat were imminent.  A nuclear-armed Iran could remove that option from Israel.

    It is for this reason that Egypt’s likely next president Amr Musa, when asked about Iran’s nuclear programme in his 9 May interview with The Washington Post, said: “The nuclear issue in the Middle East means Israel – then Iran.”  JdeC .

  • Behind the Hamas-Fateh reconciliation

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    During the past week, it has been argued in a number of influential quarters that the Hamas-Fateh reconciliation agreement, brokered by Egypt and signed in Cairo last week, is a sign of Hamas’s weakness and in particular its fear that events in Syria could leave it isolated.  More generally, the optimists argue that the Arab Spring has convinced Hamas that it, too, needs to moderate its position.  Our own experts are more cautious on both points.

    It is clear that events in Syria have caused difficulties for Hamas given that the Assad regime is one of its principal backers while the opposition in Syria is being driven by the Muslim Brotherhood, from which Hamas springs.  But, as we have highlighted on a number of occasions in recent weeks, the real dynamic for Hamas’s move towards reconciliation with Fateh (the mainstream Palestine Liberation Organization faction that is dominant in the West Bank) is the positive (from the Hamas point of view) change of regime in Cairo.  It is the post-Mubarak regime’s shift away from Israel and towards Hamas that has enabled this development.

    Hamas believes that the shift in Cairo is genuine and permanent, and Khalid Mishal, the head of the Hamas politburo, believes that it presages an end to the division between the rejectionist and moderate Arab states.  Post-Mubarak Egypt has already proved its good faith to Hamas with the reopening of the Rafah crossing and other measures.  And now Amr Musa, the Arab League Secretary-General who is the favourite to be Egypt’s next president, has supported Hamas in an interview on 9 May with The Washington Post.  He told the paper: “The view that Hamas is a terrorist organization is a view that pertains to a minority of countries, not a majority.  Being a terrorist is not a stigma forever.”

    The key point about Musa is that he is an old-fashioned Nasserist, that is a populist Arab nationalist.  He will follow popular opinion on the Palestinian question, and indeed on relations with the United States.  Musa’s hostility to Israel is well-established, and in 2001 there was even a popular song with the title “I hate Israel (I love Amr Musa)” that topped the Egyptian charts.

    Musa might not be a natural supporter of Hamas, but he knows that Egyptian public opinion was overwhelmingly opposed to the isolating of the Gaza Strip, and he knows that the Muslim Brotherhood will be the dominant bloc within the new Egyptian parliament.  This, combined with his natural antipathy towards Israel, will ensure a good relationship with Hamas.

    Hamas sees all this as strongly positive, and it is this that is driving its support for Palestinian reconciliation not fear of what is happening in Syria.

    Nor is there much indication that Hamas is responding to reformist pressure within the Gaza Strip.  There was an 8 April commentary by the pro-Hamas commentator Ibrahim al-Hamami which warned that the group could be left behind by the Arab reform movements and even face a revolt of its own.  Earlier, on 15 March there were protests in Gaza about Palestinian divisions.  However, a look at what happened over the killing of Osama bin Laden is instructive.

    Hamas has never been a particularly ardent supporter of al-Qaeda, opposing publicly its killing of innocent citizens, including the 11 September 2001 attacks and the London 7 July 2005 bombings.  Nevertheless, Hamas leader Ismail Haniyah caused an international outcry when on 2 May he described the killing of bin Laden as a “terrorist act”.  However, what was so interesting about his statement was that it was only published by pro-Hamas media outlets aimed internally at the Gaza Strip.  For example, the remarks were given prominence by the Gaza-based Al-Aqsa TV and the Filistin daily, but they were not covered by the externally oriented Palestinian Information Centre (PIC) or the Beirut-based Al-Quds TV.

    What our sources in the region read into this is that Haniyah’s comments were designed to shore up radical support for Hamas within the Gaza Strip.  In other words, Hamas’s concerns are more about losing radical support to more extremist groups rather than about a loss of moderate support – which is the thesis of those who say that the reconciliation with Fateh is driven by fear of being left behind by the Arab revolutions.

    Further evidence of Hamas’s thinking has been provided by Mishal in an interview on 9 May with the pan-Arab daily Al-Sharq al-Awsat.  There were four comments in particular that caught our attention and suggest no long-term conversion to moderation.

    The first was in response to a question about terrorist actions against Israel.  Mishal replied: “We have said after the reconciliation ceremony that we need to run our political, security, and military decision in an accord way during this year and to avoid possible threats to the agreement.”

    Secondly, asked if this was the last chance for peace, Mishal said: “We have tested the Israeli intentions for 20 years, and today, for the sake of Egypt and the reconciliation agreement, we are giving another chance for Israel.  However, we should start from today preparing for a new strategy, not to declare war, because between declaring war and capitulation there is a wide space, but to add strong pressuring cards at this period of time to support the Palestinian right through various means including the resistance...prosecution of Israel everywhere...We have a golden opportunity to prosecute Israel...[We need] a strategy by the Arab and Palestinian political circles that we declare part of it and hide other parts within a framework that serves the peace process.”

    Thirdly, Mishal revealed that his ambitions are not just within the territories conquered by Israel in 1967.  He said: “We want peace for the Palestinian people in Gaza and the West Bank, abroad, and inside the Green Line.”

    Finally, there was an outright threat.  Asked about negotiations to free Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit, Mishal said: “Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu is responsible for the failure of the deal.  We believe that if Israel fails to act, then Hamas will arrest other soldiers...”

    None of this will be lost on Israel, and hopes that Netanyahu can be pushed into any early or dramatic move towards a peace settlement are certain to be misplaced.  At the very least, he will wait until he has seen the outcome of both the Egyptian and the Palestinian elections.

  • Putin in bullish mode

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    In recent issues we have highlighted Russian concerns about its strategic weakness.  These centre on the expansion of Nato, the introduction of missile defence, population decline, and the rise of China.  On 5 May, however, Russia’s Prime Minister Vladimir Putin revealed that the view from the Kremlin is not universally pessimistic.

    Putin was talking about the Customs Union of Russia, Belarus, and Kazakhstan and the creation of a single economic space (SEC).  The Russian premier said that the SEC was open to other countries joining it and that it is ready for close cooperation with the European Union.

    The SEC, which envisages a common market with the free movement of goods, services, capital, and labour, is due to be established by 1 January 2012, and Putin urged his colleagues to redouble their efforts for “the development of integration links between our three countries and strictly adhere to the approved action plan for the establishment of the SEC”.

    In his most notable remarks, Putin gave the impression that he saw the SEC as providing a new dynamic for the reintegration of the former Soviet republics – and, eventually, as providing a strategic counterweight to the European Union.  He said: “I am sure that a strong integration-oriented union can radically change the geopolitical configuration of the entire Eurasian space and stimulate integration processes in the CIS.”

    Putin’s optimism about the SEC will have been boosted by Kyrgyzstan’s decision to join the grouping.  Speaking early in April, Prime Minister Almazbek Atambaev said joining the union with Russia, Kazakhstan, and Belarus would "strengthen the external borders of the republic and improve the living and working conditions of the nearly half a million citizens of Kyrgyzstan who work in Russian and Kazakhstan."

    Ukraine, however, is the big prize, and under President Viktor Yanukovych it, too, seems to be heading towards membership.  Speaking in April Yanukovych said: “Our future relations with the customs union will be based on a possible agreement on three plus one co-operation.”  And in an earlier indication of a willingness to rebuild ties with Russia, last year Ukraine renewed the lease of the Russian Black Sea fleet base in the Crimea and moved to restore production ties between Kiev and Moscow on aircraft and shipbuilding.

    Russia is offering significant incentives to Ukraine, with Gazprom Deputy Chief Executive Valery Golubev saying on 7 April that Ukraine could save some $8bn in gas imports by joining the union.  On the other hand, on the same day, EU Trade Commission spokesman John Clancy said that if Ukraine were to join the SEC, the country could not hold talks with the EU on creating a free-trade zone.

    The Customs Union came into existence on 1 January 2010, with the removal of all customs borders due on 1 July 2011.  According to Putin, trade between the three countries of the Customs Union increased by 28% last year.

  • Risk pointers

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    *** China Xinjiang terror fears.  The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) held an anti-terror exercise in China’s Muslim province of Xinjiang in early May.  Speaking on 6 May, a Chinese official involved with the exercise said: “The drill was conducted considering the present anti-terror condition.  There are signs that terrorists belonging to the East Turkestan movement have returned, and it is highly likely that they will enter China through Central Asia.”  The Uighur independence movement refers to Xinjiang as “East Turkestan”.

    According to Li Wei, director of the Centre for Counterterrorism Studies at the China Institute of Contemporary International Relations: “The terrorists have long been attempting to return to China. They are always waiting in Central Asia for opportunities to come back and attack.”

    China has pursued an intense crackdown in Xinjiang since 2009, when riots in the regional capital Urumqi led to the deaths of nearly 200 people and some 2,000 injuries.

    *** ‘Saudization’ intensified.  On 8 May, Saudi Arabia announced new plans to provide more jobs for Saudi nationals in the private sector.  The country’s work force is dominated by 8m expatriate workers, but there are around 450,000 Saudi job seekers.  Companies will now be categorized green, yellow, or red according to their performance in providing jobs for Saudis.  Those categorized as red will be prevented from renewing the work visas of expatriate workers.  Only 10% of the private-sector work force is currently Saudi Arabian.
    Labour Minister Adel Fakieh said: “Saudization has become a national necessity rather than a choice.”

    *** Taleban in praise of bin Laden.  In a statement issued on 7 May by the Afghan Taleban movement, the leadership council said that by killing Osama bin Laden, the US had helped him fulfil his wish to be a martyr.  It also said that bin Laden’s death would not weaken the jihad in Afghanistan.

    The statement said: “Osama bin Laden, peace be upon him, had been seeking martyrdom since the launch of the jihad.  He courageously fulfilled his wish.  If the US and their allies think that the martyrdom of Osama bin Laden, peace be upon him, will weaken the morale or ranks of the mojahedin in Afghanistan and other occupied Muslim countries, it will be their serious blunder...hundreds of others will come forward to make sacrifices for martyrdom after the martyrdom of [Osama bin Laden].”