Courcy's Intelligence Brief - 23 January 2013

Items

  • China's misreading of Tokyo and Washington

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    Not surprisingly China has reacted with anger to US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s reiteration that the disputed Senkaku Islands (known as the Diaoyu Islands by China) come within the remit of the US-Japan security pact.  The official Xinhua news agency said on 20 January: “It was exceedingly wrong of Clinton...to make such comments when meeting in Washington with Japanese Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida.”  It added that Clinton’s comments “would embolden right-wing forces in Japan and intensify tensions between China and Japan”.

    On the same day that Xinhua was railing against the perfidy of the United States, Japan’s new nationalistic prime minister Shinzo Abe was saying that he is seeking a review of Japan’s defence programme.  He made his comments on 20 January during a ceremony marking the conclusion of Japan’s peace-keeping mission in the Golan Heights.  Earlier in the month, the national defence task force of Abe’s newly elected Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) had announced it would increase the defence budget request by 100bn yen.  This would be the first increase in military spending for Japan in the 11 years.

    For China, the concern is that the US no longer seems to be interested in reining in Japan, and it will be keeping a close watch on the current revision of the US-Japan defence cooperation guidelines.  The revision was launched on 18 January, and a key issue will be a possible reinterpretation of Japan’s constitution to allow its participation in collective self-defence.

    What China will do about all this, beyond ranting, is one of the great questions of the day.  One answer, of course, is to continue with its military build up, with military spending now estimated to be $200m, second only to the US.  It has also allowed a group of hawkish officers to suggest that Beijing might even contemplate a military solution.  There is a group of about 20 officers who regularly appear in the media arguing for a hawkish response.

    One of the most hawkish is Air Force Colonel Dai Xu.  Dai has argued in public for a short decisive war.  In a commentary published by the Global Times last August, Dai wrote: “Since we have decided that the US is bluffing in the East China Sea, we should take this opportunity to respond to these empty provocations with something real.”  He referred to Vietnam, the Philippines, and Japan as “the three running dogs” of the US in Asia, and he said: “We only need to kill one and it will immediately bring the others to heel.”

    Also last August, Rear Admiral Zhang Zhozhong told a state television programme that the US would “run like a rabbit” if China attacked Japan over the Diaoyo Islands.  On another occasion last year, during a period of tension with the Philippines over the Scarborough Shoal, he said: “If there is a clash in the South China Sea, the possibility that foreign countries would intervene is low, and any conflict would not last long.”  Another of the hawks, retired Major-General Luo Yuan, emphasized in a recent interview: “China is...not afraid of conflict.”

    Whether China is actually close to using military force in the disputed waters of the East and South China Seas can be doubted, but the problem remains that comments like this mean that Japan, and others, cannot take at face value China’s protestations that its rise is peaceful and that its increased defence spending is only intended to ensure that China never again suffers the foreign invasions it faced in the 19th and 20th centuries.

    On 20 January in Hong Kong, Japan’s top foreign policy adviser Shotaro Yachi had a speech delivered on his behalf to the China Energy Fund Committee.  Yachi said: “You [China] are now asserting the claim [to the Senkakus] by force.  One must say that the act alone is breaching the rule of international order.  I should like to ask you: is this a China you want to show to the world?”  He added: “Use of force and intimidation will buy you no goodwill from your neighbour or that of the international community.  You will be a superpower  much feared but not much liked.”  Yachi also said that Japan was ready to “activate the dormant right of collective defence”, a comment that was widely interpreted in Japan as meaning that Japan was prepared to rearm in order to face down China.

    PLA Major-General Pan Zhenqiang responded on behalf of China to Yachi’s comments by calling them “rude and arrogant” and “reminding” him that it was not in Japan’s interests “to treat China as an enemy”.

    This latter remark seemed to refer to China’s willingness to use trade as a punishment.  Japanese imports into China were down 8.6% in 2012, causing Japan to fall from China's fourth-largest trading partner to its fifth most important.  The overall value of trade in goods and services traded between China and Japan shrank 3.9%.

    In this context, it was interesting to read Xinhua’s warning to the US following Clinton’s remarks about the Senkaku Islands coming within the remit of the US-Japan security pact.  The official news agency asked rhetorically:  “Will it [the US] help promote regional security and prosperity and thus be able to share the results of economic development of the region?”  It added that with increased tension “the...economic recovery of the US would be largely affected...Instead of pursuing immediate interests, Washington should take its general relations with China into consideration.”

    China’s view appears to be that the US – and with it Japan - can’t afford not to back down.  Unfortunately for Beijing, Tokyo and Washington take the exact opposite position, and therein lies the danger.  JdeC.

  • Dirty tricks from the Kremlin

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    Evidence gathered by the BBC Monitoring service suggests strongly that the child abuse allegations against Russian opposition activist Rustem Adagamov are part of a classic Kremlin-orchestrated black propaganda operation.  The operation appears to have been timed to detract from the 25,000-strong 13 January ‘March Against Scoundrels’, a march against the ban on the adoption of Russian children by US citizens which was introduced by the Kremlin as retaliation for the US’s Magnitskiy Act.  The latter imposes various sanctions on Russian officials for human rights abuses, including the death in custody the Russian lawyer Sergey Magnitskiy in 2009.

    Instruments in the campaign against Adagamov include his ex-wife Tatyana Delsal who made the first allegations of child abuse in a blog dated 27 December.  The giveaway was that this allegation was re-tweeted within hours by Timofey Vasilyev, a former employee of the news website Ridus which is suspected of Kremlin links.  The key point is that Delsal’s blog had been dormant for some time so it is highly unlikely that Vasilyev would have picked up the 27 December allegations within hours of being published without some inside knowledge.

    Supporting evidence includes the way in which other pro-Kremlin bloggers have been active in disseminating the allegations, including a video posted on You Tube in 29 December accusing Adagamov of abusing a 12-year-old girl.  One of those to post further allegations against the “paedophile” Adagamov was Kristina Potupchik, former press secretary for the pro-Putin youth movement Nashi.

    As 13 January march approached, Delsal gave interviews to two pro-Kremlin media outlets: Russia Today (RT), the state-owned TV channel, and the daily Izvestiya.  The RT interviewer failed to question the allegations in any depth to test their veracity.

    The offences are said to have taken place in Norway, where Delsal lives, and to have begun between 10 and 15 years ago (some of her statements have been inconsistent).  The Norwegian authorities, however, have shown little interest in the allegations as no victim has come forward to corroborate them.

    According to BBC Monitoring, on the day of the march “a concerted spamming operation” on Twitter “ensured that two hashtags linking the march to paedophilia allegations were among the top trending topics in the Russian Twittersphere”.  There were also clear plants within the march, with a number of people carrying banners referring to the allegations of paedophilia against Adagamov.  Naturally these banners appeared in the coverage of the march carried by the state-controlled Channel One and Rossiya 1 television stations.

    BBC Monitoring notes: “This campaign against Adagamov is just one of series of media attacks on opposition activists that began in March 2012 with the TV film Anatomy of a Protest, but it provides a particularly instructive example of how the Kremlin's black propaganda machine operates across a range of platforms and involves different types of protagonists from journalists on state TV to foul-mouthed bloggers and anonymous spammers.”

    It is, of course, possible that the allegations against Adagamov are true, although it seems significant that Delsal first spread the allegations through pro-Kremlin bloggers rather than lodging a complaint with the Norwegian police.  But even if the allegations were true, that wouldn’t negate the fact that the Kremlin has used the allegations in the way it has to attack a much wider target.

    How successful the tactic has been is another question.  The ‘March Against Scoundrels’ rally in Moscow was relatively large-scale, and it was accompanied by smaller but nevertheless significant rallies in a number of other major cities.  Equally significant is the fact that the protests were provoked by the law against US citizens adopting Russian children.  On the face of it this would not appear to be the sort of issue to get people out on the streets, yet it did, suggesting that protests are capable of being triggered by a wide range of perceived misgovernment.  A recent survey by the Levada Centre found that more than a third of Russians sympathise with the mass protests.

    There have been recent protests on environmental issues, such as the protests organized by the ‘Kranoyarsk is Opposed’ movement which forced the halting of the construction of a new iron works in Yenesei.  A petition was signed by over 180,000 residents of Kranoyarsk, which is over a third of the adult population of the city.  There have also been protest rallies in Volgograd, Kaliningrad, Bryansk, Omsk, Pervouralsk, and other Russian cities against increasing utility rates.

    One future trigger-point could be the criminal charges against those who demonstrated in Bolotnaya Square in Moscow on 6 May last year against Putin’s inauguration the following day.  Although about 70 activists who were facing charges have fled the country (including Aleksandr Dolmatov who committed suicide in the Netherlands on 17 January), some dozen activists are due to go on trial in the spring.  Ten of the accused face public-order charges entailing 3-8 years in jail.  One activist faces up to 10 years in jail for a charge of using violence against a public official that endangered life or health.  One suspect who pleaded guilty to charges in November still received a sentence of four and a half years, which suggests clemency is not on the cards.

    Thirteen of the suspects are being held in jail, without bail, where they have been since May/June.  Interestingly, however, two protest leaders currently facing charges are out on bail – Sergey Udaltsov and Aleksey Navalnyy (who is facing fraud and embezzlement charges).  The suggestion is that the Kremlin is trying to cause dissension by this tactic.  Many of those charged have had little previously to do with the protest movement or its leadership.  Again, protest sources say this is a deliberate tactic.  Yaroslav Belousov, a 21-year-old student, says: “[It is] no accident that random people have been singled out for trial.  The random factor in this politically motivated case should in the view of the punishers play the most effective part in warning millions of our citizens of the dangers of supporting the opposition.”

    Russia’s opposition Coordination Council has begun to plan for a renewal of the protest movement in the spring.  The 26 members of the council have reportedly voted to hold a mass protest in the spring under the title “March Against the Hangmen”.

  • China's "new strategic energy channel"

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    The Burma-China oil and natural gas pipelines, referred to by the official Xinhua news agency as “China’s new strategic energy channels”, are on target to be completed by 30 May.  According to Gao Jianguo, head of the pipeline project for the China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC), the oil and gas pipelines will be operating in early June barring any unforeseen problems.  The Burmese section has been finished and those sections within Chinese territory will be completed this month, after which the pipelines will undergo pressure tests.

    The 1,100km oil and gas pipelines will carry oil and natural gas from the port of Kyaukpyu on Burma’s west coast to China’s Yunnan Province.  The oil pipeline will have a capacity of 22m tonnes per annum, with the natural gas pipeline designed to carry 12bn cubic metres of gas per annum.  The key strategic advantage is that it enables oil from the Middle East to bypass the Strait of Malacca and other vulnerable sea lanes.  It will also increase the supply of energy to China’s underdeveloped southwest.

    On 20 January, China and Burma held a Strategic Security Consultation between senior officers of their respective armed forces.  One of the key topics was how to stop the conflict with Kachin rebels near China’s south-western border.  A ceasefire between the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and the Burmese government broke down in 2011, and fighting escalated during December following a government offensive.  Some Burmese artillery shells landed on Chinese territory on 30 December and again on 17 January, prompting Beijing to demand an “immediate ceasefire”.  The new oil and gas link passes just south of the area of fighting.

    The Kachin issue is particularly sensitive to China as the KIA gets support from China’s ethnic Kachins (known as Jingpo), who have a population of about 132,000.

  • Risk pointers

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    *** Hint of Taleban compromise.  A former Taleban envoy to Pakistan, Mullah Abdossalam Zaif, published an article last week hinting at a willingness to compromise.  The article listed “six basic and important fundamentals for peace”.  For Zaif, the six fundamentals are:

    - A peace strategy to replace the war strategy

    - The future government to be inclusive

    - The constitution to be revised

    - Afghan forces to become truly national

    - No foreign forces to stay

    - Sharia or Islamic law to be enforced.

    Zaif maintains that the main sides in the Afghan struggle do not have problems with these six fundamentals and any differences are over “minor issues”.  He bases this assertion on the experience of the recent inter-Afghan talks in Paris.  However, Zaif said that the present administration of President Karzai remains an impediment.  He said: “In my opinion there is hope for peace in the future, but the element about which I am unsure is the Kabul administration, whose leadership is looking to fish in troubled waters.”

    The comments are interesting in that they do not reflect the usual uncompromising Taleban stance.  However, Zaif is realistic about the effect that the imminent foreign withdrawal is having on rival groups.  He said: “Those who fear the Taleban’s return have started re-arming themselves with new weapons in different parts of the country.  This process is in full swing, particularly in the northern and western provinces.”  Unless all groups settle for peace, Zaif warns, renewed civil war is likely.

    * Muslim Brotherhood warning to Jordan’s King Abdallah.  Speaking to Al-Sharq al-Awsat, the deputy-controller general of the Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan, Zaki Ben Rsheid, said: “We will give this warning...for the regime to carry out a comprehensive reform process as otherwise the popular movements...will sit down and decide their next steps which are bringing down the regime.”

    Ben Rsheid said that the 23 January parliamentary elections, which the MB has boycotted, were a “farce” and that “the state’s future is bleak as there are no programmes, visions, and plans for administering the state”.

    King Abdallah has said that for the first time he will consult MPs before appointing the prime minister, but there will be no opposition MPs in parliament to challenge his choice.