Problems mounting up for Netanyahu
These are intensely nervous days for Israel’s Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, what with a late surge by the far-right Bayit Yehudi party led by Naftali Bennett ahead of the 22 January election and the prospect of a secretary of defence being appointed in the United States who is sceptical about the confrontational approach with Iran.
Having for long looked a shoo-in for the election, Netanyahu is now losing support to Bennett’s new party, and this in turn is encouraging for the centrist and left-wing parties. Hatenuah, the centrist party led by former foreign minister Tzipi Livni, the centrist Yesh Atid, and the Labour Party now look as if they could win 37 seats in the Knesset, which would be two more than the numbers projected for the Likud-Yisrael Beitenu alliance and could even enable them to form a government if they can overcome their differences (which they haven’t done yet). Polls suggest Bennett’s party could pick up 18 seats out of 120, leaving Likud-Beitenu with 35.
Netanyahu’s domestic woes have been increased by a public attack on him by former Shin Bet chief Yuval Diskin who warned on 4 January about Netanyahu seeking a “messianic” war with Iran. But while the attacks on his character may be damaging, Netanyahu himself does not deny his obsession with Iran. He responded to Diskin by saying: “Preventing a nuclear Iran is my central goal in the next term.”
Diskin also attacked Netanyahu over his attitude towards peace with the Palestinians, saying that “Netanyahu has ideological concerns about implementing a two-state solution” despite what he said in his June 2009 speech at Bar Ilan University.
Diskin is likely to be right on this. There is nothing in Netanyahu’s history or make-up suggesting that he would be willing to up-root a substantial proportion of the 700,000 Israelis living beyond the Green Line. Even if the Palestinians were prepared to concede (which they are not) the main settler blocs of Ariel-Elkana (50,000), Betar Illit (50,000), Gush Etzion (30,000) and the Maaleh Adumin bloc (50,000), excluding Jerusalem that would still leave 150,000 Jewish settlers to be removed. The point is that Israel has created facts on the ground that are all but impossible to reverse.
On Iran, Netanyahu now faces the prospect of former Republican senator Chuck Hagel becoming defence secretary in the US, and Hagel is adamantly against a military attack on Iran. Indeed, Hagel even has a record of opposing unilateral US sanctions against Iran, saying: “I have not supported unilateral sanctions because when it is us alone they don’t work and they just isolate the United States.”
One US observer has said Hagel’s nomination suggests that Obama “rates the military option on Iran even lower than he indicates in public”, and that is undoubtedly the message that is being picked up in Jerusalem – which, in turn, can only fuel the concerns of those Israelis who believe Israel’s security cannot be left in the hands of the United States. Hagel’s nomination has also, it seems, increased Iran’s own feeling of invulnerability. On 8 January an Iranian foreign ministry spokesman said that Iran’s leaders “hope that practical changes would occur in US foreign policy, and respect for nations’ rights would become Washington’s approach”.
Possibly as a result of sensing a weakening of US appetite for confrontation, on 8 January a senior Iranian official announced that Iran was willing to help the US achieve “an honourable and low-cost withdrawal from Afghanistan”. The Iranian Speaker’s senior adviser on international affairs, Hoseyn Sheykholeslam said: “We do not want other nations to pay the costs of rivalry and enmity between the Islamic Republic and the USA, and as we negotiated with the USA on Iraq in the presence of the Iraqis, we are ready to pursue the same trend in Afghanistan.”
Israel’s public response to Hagel’s nomination has been to say, through Finance Minister Yuval Steinitz, that the US must send Tehran a “very clear ultimatum, very clear deadline combined with a very credible military threat”. According to Steinitz, although the Iranian economy is in a bad way, Israel is “not confident” that sanctions alone will bring about a revision of policy in Tehran. And that is a conclusion that must be reinforced by the Hagel nomination.
As we have pointed out on a number of occasions, Netanyahu’s uncompromising views on Iran are bolstered by what he sees happening elsewhere in the Middle East, not least in Egypt. And the signals from Egypt continue to alarm Israel.
The latest in a series of alarming signals was the statement on 1 January by a senior adviser to President Muhammad Mursi to the effect that Israel would not exist within a decade. Erian told ONTV: “Jewish occupiers of the territory of historic Palestine are an obstacle to the Palestinians’ right of return. Anyone who can read the future can see that this project has a decade, less than a decade to go, and it is our faith that the people of Palestine can then return to Palestine.”
Since those comments were made, President Mursi has moved to strengthen the Islamist element in his government. Until now, it has been largely a government of non-partisan technocrats. However, following a reshuffle on 6 January, Muslim Brotherhood (MB) supporters now hold eight of the 35 portfolios in the cabinet led by Prime Minister Hisham Qandil. The new finance minister, Al-Mursi Al-Sayed Hegazy, is sympathetic to the Muslim Brotherhood even if not a member. He is an expert in Islamic finance.
A new parliamentary election is due at the end of February which may consolidate the MB’s grip on power. The rival Salafi Al-Nour Party, which came second in the last parliamentary elections with 24% of the seats, is suffering from splits, with senior members leaving to launch a new party under the name of Al-Watan (The Homeland). The new party is allied to Hazem Salah Abu Ismail, an Islamist preacher who was prevented from standing in the presidential election that was won by Mursi.
There have been some suggestions that the splits in Al-Nour have been encouraged by the MB after Al-Nour refused to form an alliance. If the Salafis go into the election with two lists, this is likely to benefit the MB. Together, the Islamist trend won 70% of the seats in the last election. On the other hand, while the liberal and secular forces were disunited at the time of the last election, the battle over the constitution has brought them together under the banner of the newly formed National Salvation Front (NSF).
Meanwhile, on the eastern front, Israel continues to fret over the future of Jordan. In our last issue of 2012, we looked at Jordan’s concerns about the rise of the Muslim Brotherhood and King Abdullah’s warnings about the machinations of “two Arab states and a regional country”, by which he appears to have meant Egypt, Qatar, and Turkey.
Since that warning, there has been evidence that Jordan’s fear of the burgeoning Muslim Brotherhood regional ascendancy might be pushing it closer to the Shia government led by the Iranian-allied Nuri al-Maliki in Baghdad. On 4 January, al-Maliki made an unexpected one-day visit to Amman aimed at shoring up relations based on providing Jordan with oil at preferential prices and a plan to build an oil pipeline to the Gulf of Aqaba. It can be taken as read that this move has Iran’s blessing at a time when Iran is on the verge of losing its influence in Syria.
What is particularly interesting is that only a few months ago Amman rejected similar overtures from Baghdad for fear of upsetting the Sunni Arab Gulf States. Clearly, these fears have now been trumped by the greater need. From Israel’s point of view, it is hard to calculate which would be more alarming: Jordan succumbing to the Muslim Brotherhood or its seeking salvation in a close alliance with the Iranian-backed Shia government in Baghdad – and all at a time when the US may be going soft on Iran. JdeC.