Cano also led the Farc delegations to failed peace negotiations in Venezuela and Mexico in 1991 and 1992, although he took a much more limited role in the peace talks with President Andrés Pastrana (1998-2002) which led to the creation of the demilitarised 42,000sq km zone in Southern Colombia (known as Farclandia).
Cano has been one of the most visible members of the Farc leadership over the past decade, Cano has been the political commander of the Bloque Occidental which runs the Farc's operations in the south and west of the country. He represents the ideological rather than military wing of the Farc having been involved in political initiatives such as the 'Movimiento Bolivariano por la Nueva Colombia', established in 2000 and the Partido Comunista Clandestino (known as PC3) and is one of the presidents of the regional Coordinadora Continental Bolivariana. Time Line:
Late 1970s: Joins the Farc.
1985: Helped form the Unión Patriótica (UP) out of demobilised Farc guerrillas as part of the peace negotiations with the Betancour administration.
1990: Joins the Farc leadership committee known as the secretariat.
1991: Heads Farc delegations for peace talks in Venezuela.
1992: Heads Farc delegations for peace talks in Mexico.
2000: Founded Partido Comunista Clandestino (known as PC3) and 'Movimiento Bolivariano por la Nueva Colombia'.
May 2008: Named leader of the Farc. Weaknesses: Cano takes over leadership of the Farc at arguably the worst point in the guerrilla group's history; the killing of secretariat members Raul Reyes and Ivan Rios in early March destroyed the myth of the invulnerability of the high command that had persisted for 44 years. This was followed by the desertion on 18 May of one of the Farc's most iconic figures, Karina.
Cano is a dull, colourless Marxist and may find it difficult to win the respect of the guerrillas and provide cohesion to the movement. This is a contrast with his predecessor, Marulanda, who was revered even in his infirmity, much like Fidel Castro in Cuba.
There have also long been rumours of divisions within the Farc between Cano and his supporters and the “military" wing embodied by Jorge Briceño, “Mono Jojoy", head of the Farc's eastern front. Briceño, by general consent among Farc watchers holds all the hostages and has some of the biggest coca-growing areas under his influence. Military intelligence reported that the two had been vying for power for some time as Marulanda's illness grew more serious. Strengths: Cano's intelligence, political acumen and organisational abilities have been evident in his rise up through the guerrilla group and his role in peace talks. As the Farc's chief ideologue, his appointment could be an attempt to regain credibility for the organisation given its current reputation for drug-trafficking and violence. More generally, as regards the alleged divisions in the Farc, it is worth remembering that Cano's approval by the Secretariat - of which Mono Jojoy is also a member - means that a joint decision would have been reached. Prospects: Much uncertainty surrounds the future of the Farc although Cano's appointment undoubtedly marks a new phase in the group's history - the transition from a peasant, agrarian leadership embodied by Marulanda - to leaders with a university education. As well as Cano, the secretariat also includes two doctors, “Timochenko" and Mauricio Jaramillo and an agricultural engineer, Joaquín Gómez. The main exception remains Mono Jojoy, the son of a former guerrilla, born in a Farc camp. Cano's main challenge will be whether he can regain internal control and prevent the Farc from fragmenting into its constituent “fronts". Pressure from the military has meant that the fronts now find it hard to communicate with each other, a problem exposed by the bungled attempt to release Emmanuel, a child hostage the Farc no longer had in its possession. In terms of whether Cano's appointment is likely to improve chances of an end to the conflict, Farc watchers are divided. Some point to the fact that Cano comes from the political rather than military wing of the Farc, together with the group's parlous military position as signs that a resolution is in sight. Relatives of Ingrid Betancourt, the Franco-Colombian political hostage, are guardedly optimistic about the prospects for an exchange under Cano. However others believe that Cano's ideological intransigence (he reportedly has not changed his ideas or rhetoric for 20 years) would make peace talks with the government less likely.
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