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  • GUATEMALA: Colom se opone a la pena de muerte

    12 November 2010 Hits: 106

    El Presidente Alvaro Colom ha vetado una ley que hubiese reinstalado la pena capital. El autodefinido como de centro-izquierda Colom, dijo que la decisión, que fue aclamada por la comunidad internacional y activistas de derechos humanos, estaba en lí­nea con sus valores “socialdemócratas". Esta demostración de compromiso con un principio ideológico, enfrentada no solamente con la legislatura, sino también con la opinión pública, contrasta con el anuncio de la primera alianza electoral ante las elecciones de setiembre de 2011 -entre la Unión Nacional de la Esperanza (UNE), de Colom, y la centro-derecha Gran Alianza Nacional (Gana).

    La propuesta de reinstalar la pena capital, que Colom ya habí­a vetado en una ocasión anterior, en marzo de 2008, es regularmente agitada por la derecha como una respuesta a la continuada crisis de seguridad. En esta ocasión fue presentada por el opositor Partido Patriota (PP) (del derechista general Otto Pérez Molina), y el bloque disidente de UNE, Libertad Democrática Renovada (Lí­der).

    La pena capital en Guatemala nunca fue abolida pero ha sido suspendida desde 2002 debido a una disputa legal sobre quién debí­a tener la palabra final sobre el destino de los prisioneros en el corredor de la muerte. La última ejecución fue realizada en 2000. Como en 2008, Colom vetó la ley sobre la base que la medida no actúa como disuasivo y habrí­a violado algunos aspectos de la constitución. Esta posición es audaz dado que la medida tiene el apoyo de su UNE como también de cerca de 70% de la población, el más alto de todos los paí­ses en la región, de acuerdo con un reciente sondeo de la Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales (Flacso). De nuevo, como fue el caso en 2008, Colom fue acusado por la oposición de complacer a la comunidad internacional; en 2008 algunas embajadas europeas habí­an amenazado con retirar la ayuda internacional si la pena de muerte fuese restaurada y en esta ocasión, la UE habí­a emitido una fuerte nota respaldando la posición de Colom.

    Colom señaló una demostración de principio, que bien podrí­a resultar en un tema que podrí­a convertirse en un punto de campaña ante las elecciones de setiembre de 2011, contrastando con la última demostración de una notoria carencia de ideologí­a que apuntala a los partidos polí­ticos. El 7 de noviembre, la UNE y Gana anunciaron la formalización de una alianza electoral, basada sobre una vaga premisa de compartir el apoyo para los programas sociales de Colom. El acuerdo es el último capí­tulo en una relación de una sola vez que se remonta a la previa administración de Gana del ex presidente Oscar Berger (2004-2008). Esa alianza ha sido revivida y desechada bajo el actual gobierno de Colom, aunque por último ha tenido poco impacto en la legislatura dado que los dos partidos combinados reúnen 55 bancas de un total de 158 en el congreso.

    Es una historia diferente en términos de números de votantes. Las cifras más recientes del think-tank Asies, que datan de abril de este año, muestran que los dos partidos juntos tienen unos 100.000 miembros (de los cuales 80.000 son afiliados a UNE), a grandes rasgos el 20% del total de personas que pertenecen a un partido. Asies también señala que solamente seis de los 22 partidos polí­ticos registrados tienen más de 20.000 miembros (de un electorado total de 6m y una población de unos 13m).

    • Rí­os Montt

    A la edad de 84 años, el ex dictador (1982-1983) Efraí­n Rí­os Montt, un diputado actual por su derechista Frente Republicano Guatemalteco (FRG), finalmente ha dejado su puesto de secretario general del FRG luego de 20 años al timón. Su legado, sin embargo, parece continuar; su hija Zury, es la nueva vice secretaria general y está siendo mencionada como una posible candidata presidencial por el FRG. Acusado de delitos como el genocidio y crí­menes contra la humanidad en relación a las atrocidades cometidas durante la guerra civil (1960-1996), Rí­os Montt hasta ahora ha evitado ser procesado debido a la inmunidad que él disfruta como legislador.

  • RASTREANDO TENDENCIAS

    11 March 2011 Hits: 338

    HONDURAS | Comercio. El déficit comercial creció en 15%, a US$4,38bn en 2010, sobre el año previo, pese a significativos incrementos en las exportaciones, anunció el banco central. Las exportaciones se elevaron en 19,3% a US$2,75bn, mientras las importaciones treparon en 16,7%, a US$7,13bn. El incremento en las exportaciones se debe en gran medida a los precios más altos  para los productos tradicionales -café, bananas, aceite de palma y oro- cuyas ventas treparon en 27,3%. EU es por lejos el socio mayor para Honduras, tomando US$1,00bn (36,5%) del total. Las exportaciones a Europa llegaron a US$659m, 24% del total, principalmente café, camarones, melones y sandí­as. Las exportaciones a otros paí­ses en Centroamérica totalizaron US$606,9m, 22% del total.

    REGION | Recuperación. “La cuestión de la seguridad tiene un gran impacto sobre el crecimiento," dijo Luis Alberto Moreno, el presidente del Banco interamericano de Desarrollo (BID), después del foro centroamericano en Tegucigalpa la semana pasada. La inseguridad cuesta a los paí­ses centroamericanos entre 5% y 8% del PIB, afirmó Moreno, y vuelve más difí­cil romper el ciclo de la pobreza. Esa es una cuestión que el Presidente de El Salvador, Mauricio Funes abordará con su par de EU, Barack Obama, cuenco éste visite San Salvador el 22 y 23 de marzo.
         Mientras que los paí­ses sudamericanos en general han mostrado impresionantes crecimientos económicos el año pasado para superar la declinación global, Centroamérica ha sido mucho más lenta en recuperarse, en parte debido a que es mucho más dependiente de EU. Sin embargo, Moreno dijo que “las perspectivas económicas para Centroamérica son buenas," pero que la inseguridad y el constante aumento de precios del petróleo y los alimentos, representa una seria amenaza para el crecimiento.

  • Crecimiento económico y reducción de la pobreza: Datos...

    11 September 2007 Hits: 10

    América Latina: crecimiento del PBI, 1998-2006

    Variación anual en %, de acuerdo con los últimos resultados

    1998 1999  2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 20061
     R. Domin 8,3 6,1 7,9 2,3 5,0 -0,4 2,7 9,2 10,7
    Venezuela  0,3 -6,0 3,7 3,4 -8,9 -7,8 18,3 10,3 10,3
    Argentina 3,9 -3,4 -0,8  -4,4 -10,9 8,8  9,0  9,2 8,5
    Panamá 7,4 4,0 2,7 0,6 2,2  4,2 7,5 6,9  8,1
    Perú -0,7 0,9 3,0 0,2 5,2 3,9 5,2 6,4 8,0
    Costa Rica 8,4 8,2 1,8 1,1 2,9 6,4 4,3 5,9 7,9
    Uruguay 4,5 -2,8 -1,4 -3,4 -11,0 2,2 11,8 6,6 7,0
    Colombia 0,6 -4,2 2,9 1,5 1,9  3,9 4,9 4,7 6,8
    Honduras 2,9 -1,9 5,7 2,6 2,7 3,5 5,0 4,1 6,0
    Guatemala  5,0 3,8 3,6 2,3 3,9 2,5 3,2 3,5 4,9
    Mexico  5,0 3,8 6,6 0,0 0,8 1,4 4,2 2,8 4,8
    Bolivia 5,0 0,4 2,5 1,7 2,5 2,7 4,2 4,0 4,6
    El Salvador 3,7 3,4 2,2  1,7 2,3 2,3 1,8  2,8 4,2
    Paraguay  0,6  -1,5  -3,3 2,1 0,0 3,8  4,1   2,9  4,2
    Ecuador 2,1 -6,3 2,8 5,3 4,2 3,6 7,9 4,7 4,1
    Chile 3,2 -0,8 4,5 3,4 2,2 3,9 6,0 5,7 4,0
    Brazil 0,0  0,3 4,3 1,3 2,7 1,1 5,7  2,9 3,7
    Nicaragua 3,7 7,0  4,1 3,0  0,8 2,5 5,3 4,3 3,7
    Haiti      2,2 2,7  0,9 -1,0 -0,3   0,4 -3,5 1,8 2,3
    America Latina 2 2,5 0,2 3,9 0,3 -0,5 2,1 6,2 4,6 5,5
    Cuba 0,2 6,3 6,1 3,0 1,5  2,9 4,5
    Cuba3 3,0 1,8 3,8 5,4 11,8 12,5
    1Preliminar. 2Excluyendo a Cuba. 3Datos proveí­dos por el instituto de estadí­sticas de Cuba

    América Latina: Tasas de pobreza 1990-2005
    % de la población bajo la lí­nea de la pobreza, según últimos datos

    1990 1998  1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005
    Honduras 80.8   ..  79.7 .. .. 77.3 74.8 ..  ..
    Nicaragua 73.66 69.9  ..  .. 69.3 .. ..  .. ..
    Bolivia 52.62*   .. 60.6 .. .. 62.4 .. 63.9 ..
    Paraguay 49.91*  .. 60.6 .. 61.0  .. .. 65.9 60.5
    Guatemala  69.45 61.1 .. .. .. 60.2  ..  .. ..
    Ecuador 62.1* .. 63.5*  .. .. 49.0* .. 51.2 48.3
    Perú ..  .. 48.6 .. 54.87 .. 54.7 51.1 ..
    El Salvador 54.24 .. 49.8 ..  48.9 .. ..  47.5 ..
    R. Domin ..  .. .. 46.9  .. 44.9  .. 54.4 47.5
    Colombia 56.13 .. 54.9 .. .. 51.1 .. 51.1 46.8
    Venezuela 39.8  .. 49.4 .. .. 48.6 .. 45.4 37.1
    Brazil 48.0 .. 37.5 .. 37.5  .. 38.7 37.7 36.3
    Mexico 47.72 46.9  ..  41.1  .. 39.4 .. 37.0 35.5
    Panama 39.93* ..   25.8* ..  .. 34.0 .. 31.8 33.0
    Argentina* 16.11  .. 23.7  .. .. 45.4 .. 29.4 26.0
    Costa Rica 26.3 .. 20.3 ..  .. 20.3  .. 20.5 21.1
    Uruguay * 17.9 .. 9.4 .. .. 15.4 .. 20.9 18.8
    Chile 38.6  21.7  .. 20.2 ..  ..  18.7 .. ..
    America  Latina   8  48.3 ..  43.9 42.5 43.2 44.0  44.2 42.0 39.8
    *Areas urbanas.
    1 1994. 2 1989. 3 1991. 4 1995. 5 1989. 6 1993. 7 Metodologí­a cambiada. 8 Estimado para 19 paí­ses.

    América Latina: Inflación 1998-2006
    Variaciones de los precios al consumidor diciembre a diciembre*

    1998 1999  2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 20061
    Venezuela 29.9 20.0  13.4 12.3 31.2 27.1 19.2 14.4 17.0
    Paraguay 14.6  5.4 8.6 8.4 14.6 9.3  2.8 9.9 12.5
    Haití­   7.4 9.7 19.0 8.1 14.8  40.4  20.2 14.8 10.2
    Nicaragua 18.5 7.2 9.9 4.7 4.0 6.6 8.9 9.6 10.2
    Argentina 0.7  -1.8 -0.7 -1.5 41.0 3.7 6.1 12.3 9.8
    Costa Rica 12.4 10.1 10.2 11.0  9.7 9.9 13.1 14.1 9.4
    Uruguay 8.6 4.2 5.1  3.6 25.9 10.2 7.6 4.9 6.4
    Guatemala  7.5 4.9 5.1 8.9  6.3 5.9 9.2 8.6 5.8
    Cuba 2.9   -2.9 -3.0 -0.5 7.0 -1.0 3.0 3.7 5.7
    Honduras 15.7 10.9  10.1 8.8 8.1  6.8 9.2 7.7 5.3
    R Domin 7.8 5.1 9.0 4.4 10.5 42.7 28.7  7.4 5.0
    Bolivia 4.4 3.1  3.4 0.9 2.4  3.9  4.6 4.9  4.9
    El Salvador 4.2 -1.0 4.3 1.4 2.8 2.5 5.4 4.3 4.9
    Colombia 16.7 9.2  8.8 7.6 7.0  6.5  5.5 4.9  4.5
    Guyana  4.7  8.7  5.8  1.5 6.0 5.0 5.5  8.2 4.2
    México  18.6 12.3  9.0  4.4  5.7  4.0 5.2 3.3 4.1
    Brazil 1.7 8.9  6.0 7.7 12.5  9.3  7.6 5.7 3.1
    Ecuador 43.4 60.7 91.0 22.4  9.3 6.1 1.9 3.1 2.9
    Chile  4.7 2.3  4.5  2.6 2.8 1.1 2.4 3.7 2.6
    Panamá 1.4  1.5 0.7  0.0 1.9  1.5 1.5 3.4 2.2
    Perú 6.0  3.7  3.7  -0.1  1.5 2.5  3.5  1.5 1.1
    *Ubicados según datos de 2006.

    América Latina: Desempleo 1998-2006
    Tasa anual media de desempleo urbano, según últimos datos

    1998 1999  2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 20061
    R Domin* 14.4 13.8 13.9 15.6 16.1 16.7 18.4 18.0 16.2
    Colombia 15.3 19.4 17.3 18.2 17.6 16.7 15.4 13.9 13.0
    Uruguay 10.1 11.3  13.6 15.3 17.0 16.9 13.1 12.2 11.4
    Panamá 15.5 13.6 15.2 17.0 16.5 15.9 14.1 12.1 10.4
    Argentina 12.9 14.3 15.1 17.4 19.7 17.3 13.6 11.6 10.2
    Ecuador 11.5 14.4 14.1 10.4  8.6 9.8 11.0 10.7 10.1
    Brazil 7.6 7.6 7.1 6.2 11.7 12.3 11.5 9.8 10.0
    Venezuela* 11.3 15.0 13.9 13.3 15.8 18.0 15.3 12.4 10.0
    Perú 8.5  9.2  8.5  9.3 9.4  9.4 9.4 9.6 8.5
    Paraguay 6.6  9.4 10.0 10.8 14.7 11.2 10.0 7.6 8.3
    Bolivia  6.1 7.2  7.5 8.5  8.7 9.2 6.2 8.2 ..
    Chile*  6.4 10.1 9.7 9.9 9.8  9.5 10.0 9.2 7.7
    Nicaragua 13.2 10.7  7.8 11.3 11.6 10.2 9.3 7.0 7.0
    Costa Rica 5.4  6.2 5.3 5.8 6.8  6.7 6.7  6.9 6.0
    El Salvador 7.6  6.9 6.5  7.0 6.2 6.2 6.5  7.3 5.7
    Honduras 5.2 5.3 .. 5.9 6.1  7.6 8.0  6.5 4.9
    Mexico  4.7 3.7  3.4  3.6  3.9  4.6  5.3 4.7 4.6
    Guatemala .. .. ..  .. 5.4 5.2 4.4 ..  ..
    Cuba* 6.6 6.3 5.5 4.1 3.3 2.3 1.9 1.9 1.9
    Region** 10.3 11.0 10.4 10.2 11.0 11.0 10.3  9.1 8.6
    *Total nacional. **Incluido el Caribe.

    Fuente: Todas las tablas son presentación propia sobre datos de Cepal.

  • Gerry-built privatisations collapse

    24 April 2007 Hits: 430
    The privatisations in the region during the 1990s have proved to be, for the most part, pretty flimsy constructions. The most dramatic unpicking of an electricity privatisation occurred in the Dominican Republic, where the government simply renationalised. It was, however, careful to ensure that it bought out the new owners of the electricity distribution companies, Unión Fenosa, at a profit for the Spanish company. In Brazil, too, private companies misjudged the market and their capabilities and have had to rework deals. In Argentina, several companies have simply handed the government the keys to what are now unprofitable companies and walked away. In Mexico, where there was no privatisation boom, the government is hoping that its weak reforms will bring foreign companies flocking in. 

    Electricity privatisations have gone wrong in Latin America for a range of reasons. In Argentina, power companies thought that they had licence to print money as the prices they charged were legally tied to the dollar and the US inflation rate. When the government ignored that provision, following the debt default, and froze prices, the unhappy owners tried to mobilise a lobby to get the decision overturned. They have got almost nowhere. Some of the US companies that were lured into buying regional electricity businesses have decided to cut their losses and toss the keys of business back to the governments they had bought the businesses from. 

    Privatisation proponents in Argentina claimed that, initially, privatisation did deliver. They claim that before privatisation the electricity industry had an installed capacity of 15,000MW with 55% availability. Post-privatisation the capacity went up to 22,000MW with 85% availability. Argentina was not alone: Peru's electrification coefficient reached 75% in 1999, from 47% in 1992. Colombia's installed thermal electricity capacity increased by 111% between 1992 and 1999. 

    Argentina
    The problem is that these increases appear to be one-offs. One of the big players in the Argentine electricity industry, Electricité de France (EdF), issued a warning in October that, unless prices were unfrozen, the national grid would collapse because of the demand. EdF argues that the combination of the price freeze and the devaluation has left Argentine prices among the cheapest in Latin America. This in turn means that people are careless about their use of power.

    The mostly foreign-owned companies that piled into Argentina when it started to privatise its inadequate state industries from 1992 have been repenting over the past couple of years. The companies are all struggling with large dollar debts and puny peso revenues streams. They have also halted virtually all fresh investment. A recent World Bank report noted that private sector investment in infrastructure (covering all sorts of privatised utilities) had fallen from an average of US$5.2bn a year in the 1990s to just US$200m in 2002. 

    The Argentine government appears to believe that it has the privatised companies over a barrel. It said that it will not allow them to raise their prices until it has reviewed all 61 of their contracts to supply services. The IMF had insisted on the government allowing the companies to increase prices as part of its recent deal: once again the Argentine government outmanoeuvred and embarrassed the Fund. The government is in no rush to review the contracts: it reckons that the process will take until the end of next year. 

    The desperation of the companies that were lured to Argentina is clear from the fact that, of the 60 cases pending at the World Bank's International Center for Settlement of Investment Disputes, a third involve the Argentine government as a defendant. 

    Another sign of deteriorating relations is that the Argentine government is quick to slap fines on privatised companies if they fail to deliver services. The government imposed fines of Arg$9m (US$3.2m) on utility companies in late October. Aguas Argentina, which is owned by French and Spanish water companies, was fined Arg$1.3m for a cut in water supplies to Buenos Aires on 20 October. The company had accepted responsibility for the problem and the fine was expected.

    What was less expected was the Arg$7.5m fine handed out to Argentina's three main electricity companies, Edenor, Edesur and Edelap. The government said these fines had been accumulated since 2001. Commentators interpret the fines as a warning to other electricity companies not to allow more blackouts. In late October, parts of Buenos Aires were blacked out for hours. 

    Argentina the advanced
    The irony is that the privatisation proponents originally claimed Argentina as a model for the region. The consensus was, in 2001, that the advanced countries, with the most liberal energy markets, were: Chile, Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, Brazil, Peru and El Salvador. Behind them came Ecuador, Mexico and Venezuela, which were in the process of testing various liberalisation schemes. Uruguay and Paraguay brought up the rear. 

    Now the order is a bit different. Chile still has the most liberalised and efficient energy sector in the region. Brazil may be running second, largely because the government has shown itself capable of negotiating solutions to disputes rather than imposing solutions, or, in Argentina's case, punishments. 

    Brazil
    The big dispute in Brazil involved the privatisation of the country's main electricity company, Eletropaulo. It supplies the country's most economically developed area: São Paulo. 

    Brazil's development bank, BNDES, and the AES Corporation from the US finally struck a deal over how to restructure US$1.2bn of debt that the US-based power giant incurred to buy Eletropaulo, and build a business that brings AES more revenue than all its North American operations. The deal ended the government's threat of renationalisation but gave BNDES a big stake in AES operations in Brazil.

    The stakes for both sides were high. BNDES had to be seen to stand up for the national interest and the enforceability of contracts. AES too had a lot at stake. Not only is the Eletropaulo business a huge revenue producer, the company had also invested US$4bn in Brazil since it arrived in 1996, making it the single largest investor in the country's power industry, which is mostly hydroelectric. 

    Under the terms of the deal, BNDES will trade its debt for a 49.9% equity stake in AES's Brazilian businesses. BNDES had threatened to renationalise not only Eletropaulo but AES's other Brazilian business. These are two other electricity distribution companies, AES Uruguaiana and AES Tiete. AES also promised to inject its AES Sul company into the new company. 

    AES has agreed to pay US$60m of the debt it owes BNDES on completion of the deal, scheduled for mid-December, US$25m one year after closing, and the remaining US$515m over 10 to 12 years.

    The dispute had become a test case for President Lula da Silva. His Partido dos Trabalhadores had opposed the privatisation process that had allowed Eletropaulo to be sold to AES. The negotiations were seen as an indicator of President Lula's treatment of foreign investment, particularly in the troubled energy industry. Commentators are mostly favourable about the result, which they say shows that the government prefers market-based solutions over renationalisation. One cunning element of the deal is that BNDES has created a sort of preferred stock convertible into Eletropaulo voting equity: this will be issued if AES misses debt repayments. 

    There has been some criticism of the pragmatism. In effect, AES has rescheduled its debt to BNDES. There is a price, as Brazilian officials know, for getting more time to pay. Eletropaulo's competitors are none too happy. They say that the company has gone from being a debt-laden laggard to being the best capitalised operator in the market.

    Eletropaulo: what went wrong?
    Investors in the Brazilian energy industry were whacked by a succession of problems. The first was the unpegging of the Real in 2000. This was then followed by the drought in 2001, when the government forced 20% cuts in energy demand. This demand has yet to recover, and a lot of the gas-fuelled power stations commissioned to deal with the 2001 crisis have been mothballed. A third problem is that regulation of the industry is in a state of flux. The Lula government has mused over whether Brazil may have become too dependent on foreign companies for its energy. 

    Eletropaulo reported a loss of US$260m in 2002, in contrast to a profit of US$190m in 2001. The problem with BNDES arose in January when the company missed an US$85m debt payment. In March, the company then defaulted on a US$329m payment. AES listed US$5bn in Brazilian assets, US$6bn in liabilities. 

    The Lula government claims that there was something fishy about the privatisation of Eletropaulo. The company was privatised in April 1998 and was expected to fetch the government several hundred million dollars over the minimum price. But the government was surprised when only one bidder, Light, a consortium headed by AES, bid for the utility at virtually the minimum price. The Financial Times has reported that, hours before the auction for Eletropaulo, AES, acting on behalf of a consortium of foreign and Brazilian investors, signed a deal with Enron promising lucrative contracts if it didn't bid for Eletropaulo. 

    The investigation into bid-rigging has been expanded to include other public auctions involving US energy companies. The probe now includes, among others, the sale of CESP-Tiete, the São Paulo energy company AES bought for US$472m in 1999. The US Department of Justice is cooperating with Brazil's government in the investigation.


    Chile
    Even in Chile, there are criticisms of what privatisation has produced. Wholesale electricity prices have dropped sharply, so the generating market has become much less attractive to new investors, which has led to a slowdown in investments. This has created a position where Endesa of Chile, which owns 60% of the country's generation, also has as its shareholders the owners of the Chilean national grid. It is an understatement to say that its market power is considerable. 

    Mexico
    Although the economy is now the biggest in the region, its energy industry has been almost untouched by the private sector. The government of President Vicente Fox had wanted to reform the constitution to allow foreign companies to take a bigger role in the electricity industry. In the event, it looks as though it will have to settle for a more modest, legal reform. 

    The main reason for the limited scope of the reforms is that the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), the biggest party in congress, wants only a modest reform. The PRI is the biggest party in both chambers of congress. Unfortunately for Fox, the PRI policy is much narrower than the broader proposals he had suggested. Fox argues that opening up the electricity industry to foreign capital will boost the economy and make Mexican industry more competitive.

    The PRI agreed a line on the scope of the reforms on 25 October. Crucially, it agreed that it would not support any change to the constitution. Articles 27 and 28 enshrine state control and ownership of the electricity industry. Specifically, the party's Consejo Polí­tico Nacional (CPN) specified that neither the Comisión Federal de Electricidad (CFE), which runs the national grid, nor the main distribution company, Luz y Fuerza del Centro, should be privatised. The CPN also said that the government should retain the right to set prices.

    This means, effectively, that the electricity distribution system will remain under state control and ownership. It is hard to see any foreign companies trying to break into the electricity distribution market when they will have to face such dominant and entrenched players.

    Legal issues
    What the PRI did agree to were changes in the way the electricity system is run to clarify the arrangements for investments by private companies. Last year, the supreme court shook policymakers by ruling that the backdoor privatisation of the system was unconstitutional. What had been happening was that private companies had been exploiting the provision under which industrial companies could build their own power stations provided they sold any excess electricity to the state-run CFE. This loophole had been stretched so far that its provisions had become inverted: private companies were building power stations from which a token amount of power went to industrial companies but the overwhelming bulk went to the CFE.

    President Fox swallowed his pride and hailed the PRI's decision. He said that it was a move forward in favour of reform. The statement from the presidency shows how weak the executive's position has become. The threat from Elba Esther Gordillo - the number two in the PRI and the party's leader in the lower chamber of congress - that the PRI would rule from congress, is now fact. The traditional constitutional arrangement, under which the executive would produce bills that would be reviewed and debated by the legislature, has been inverted. Now the PRI, which probably commands a majority in the legislature, is dictating to the government.

    The PRI statement recognised that it was necessary to change the legal framework for the electricity industry. The party committed itself, however, to oppose any attempt to segment and open up the electricity industry. This, it said, would only benefit private capital.

    The other blow for Fox and his government is that the PRI mandated the senate to negotiate with the government over the details of the reform. PRI senators, led by Manuel Bartlett, a former interior minister and governor of Puebla, are the most hostile to any broad reform of the electricity industry. They are prepared to countenance only modest reforms to boost generating capacity. The senators do not believe the government's claims that the country will face blackouts and power cuts unless it invests heavily in expanding its electricity industry. As the government does not have the spare cash, the expansion would have to be paid for by private companies which, in turn, means opening up the industry.

  • PERU: General strike fails

    24 April 2007 Hits: 231

    The long-awaited general strike on 14 July failed to disrupt the country or the Copa America soccer tournament. A more worrying development for the embattled government of President Alejandro Toledo was the effective grounding of the country's biggest airline, Aero Continente, which could not get insurance because of US allegations that its biggest shareholder, Fernando Zevallos, was linked to drug traffickers.

    The allegations about Zevallos are not new. They surfaced last year when Aero Continente tried to introduce cheap air travel to Chile. The Chilean authorities, probably at the instigation of the politically well-connected shareholders of the main local airlines, alleged that Zevallos and his airline posed a national security threat and so should not be allowed to operate. Eventually this decision was overturned by the Chilean courts. Zevallos is facing cocaine-trafficking charges in Peru. 

    Strike
    Carlos Ferrero, the country's prime minister, said that it was clear that the 14 July general strike had not been supported by the bulk of the country's workers. The labour minister, Javier Sota Nadal, conceded that the strike had drawn support from teachers and transport workers in the southern departments of Puno, Libertad and Huaco. 

    In Lima, support for the strike wilted as the day wore on. By the end of the day traffic was only about 20% lighter than usual. The government said that in industry and in agricultural markets the strike had produced no meaningful effects. 

    The strike had been called by the Confederación General de Trabajadores de Perú and was supported by the Partido Aprista Peruano which dominates the regional governments in the country. 

    The strike was called to protest against the government's economic policies and to demand that the government form a government of national unity, which would, effectively, be dominated by the Apristas, to take the country through to the end of Toledo's mandate in 2006.

  • EL SALVADOR: 1.6% inflation in first quarter

    27 April 2005 Hits: 148

    The Dirección General de Estadí­sticas y Censos (Digestyc) reported that inflation in the first quarter of 2005 came to 1.6%. It blamed the near-constant rise in oil prices for the increase. 

    The rate for the first quarter of 2004 was 2.2%, Digestyc reported. The inflation rate for 2004 was 5.4%. Miguel Corleto, the director of Digestyc, argued that the improved inflation performance in the first quarter meant that inflation for 2005 would be lower than 2004's rate. El Salvador's rate is the best in the region. In the year to February 2005, Costa Rica had inflation of 13.2%; Honduras had a rate of 9.1% and Guatemala one of 8.2% and Nicaragua 7.8%. The 12-month rate for El Salvador was 5.34%. 

    The bulk of the price rises in March were concentrated in three sectors: transport (up 0.6%); health (up 0.7%) and food, alcohol and tobacco (up 0.7%). The increase in the food and alcohol sector was largely the result of tax changes which prompted brewers to increase their prices. Foreign investment: Foreign investment came to US$497m in 2004, the central bank reported. This was equivalent to 3% of GDP. The total included portfolio as well as direct investment. Virtually all the investment (97%) went into telecoms, manufacturing, commerce, maquiladoras and agriculture and fishing. The biggest single investment came from the sale of the government's shares in the Asociación Nacional de Telecomunicaciones.

    Sugar: The country is harvesting a record sugar crop of around 5.4m t. This is 4% up on the 2003/04 crop. The sugar season ends at the end of April. Productivity has also picked up on 2003/04: the agriculture minister, Mario Salaverrí­a, reckons that sugar production will average 231lbs per tonne of cane. This is 8lbs per tonne better than last year and represents a sugar yield of around 10.5%. This is a new record for the country and brings the yield up to levels set by Guatemala. The sector accounts for 2.4% of the country's GDP, and is likely to show growth of about 5% in 2005. In 2004 sugar exports came to US$37m, US$10m less than in 2003. Domestic demand uses 43% of the industry's annual production. 

    Trade: The country's exports came to US$536m in the first two months of the year, the central bank reported. This was 2% more than for the same period of 2004. Although coffee prices have risen, the problems with the shrimp industry reduced the contribution from traditional exports. Non-traditional exports, however, increased their contribution by 8% to US$223m. Maquiladora exports were up by 2% at US$282m. Imports in the first two months of the year came to US$1.01bn, up 10% on the same period of 2004.

  • MINING: Environmental worries in Argentina

    27 January 2006 Hits: 205

    One of the boom industries, following the 2002 crisis, has been mining. The surge in international commodity prices and some foreign investor friendly mining legislation prompted a doubling in investment in mining between 2003 and 2005. The focus of the exploration effort is in San Juan, due west of Buenos Aires, but there is plenty of exploration right down the Chilean border.

    The mining code allows companies to deduct their exploration expenses from their profits so that they only have to pay tax when they have recovered at least what they invested. The code also allows investors exemption from various taxes, such as the tax on diesel, financial transactions and stamp duty, and allows them to import the inputs they require free of taxes.

    Once the mines come into production, they only have to pay a 3% royalty. That goes to the provincial, not the federal, government.

    Environmentalists argue that the low costs of mining in Argentina encourage wantonly destructive projects. One example is the huge copper-gold project, Bajo de la Alumbrera in Catamarca. In this project, the operators blow up tracts of ore-bearing mountain and then dissolve the dust into an acid which they pump by pipeline to Tucumán, where some preliminary processing is done. The bulk of the processing is carried out, however, in Buenos Aires. The project has been operating for 10 years. Environmentalists say that the project is polluting the air, rivers and the subsoil.

    The government counter-argues that in remote areas, mining is often the only viable economic activity and that without it, unemployment would be even higher. The mining ministry argued that every actual mining job creates another four or five in businesses ranging from construction to logistics and providing support service to the mine.

    The environmentalists question this line. They point out that often the non-mining jobs are miles away from the actual mine. They also point out that despite Bajo de la Alumbrera, Argentina still has to import copper wire from Chile because all Bajo de la Alumbrera produces, even after its "final" refining in Buenos Aires, are copper cathodes. These are sent to Chile to be turned into a final, usable product.

    Environmentalists are even more concerned about the two big gold and silver projects, run by Barrick Gold, a Canadian mining company along the Chilean-Argentine border. These are Veladero and the huge Pascua-Lama project which actually straddles the border. Environmentalists say that Barrick is being disingenuous when it issues warnings that the Pascua-Lama project will call for the destruction of glaciers. They say that the company has already destroyed at least one glacier to build an access road to Veladero. Argentine environmentalists claim that the lower environmental standards on their side of the border mean that all the dodgy bits of the mine, such as the dams to hold cyanide-polluted water are in Argentina while the bulk of the actual mining will be done on the Chilean side. The environmentalists claim that Barrick is taking a major risk by building the dams in an area that is prone to earthquakes.

    Copper: The copper price appears to have lost touch with reality. The general view is that by the end of this year or the middle of 2007 at the latest copper production will exceed any possible increase in demand. This long term outlook has not prevented the Chinese from bidding up copper to ludicrous levels. The Shanghai price on 18 January touched US$5,569 a tonne, well above what the red metal was fetching in New York or London, where it was hovering under US$4,700 per tonne. The reason for the premium is that copper supplies in China are scarce while demand is strong. The price may subside a bit after the Chinese New Year, which starts on 30 January.

    Copper: The Chilean state-owned mining company, Corporación del Cobre, announced that it would invest US$898 in its Gaby project in the north of the country. Gaby holds an estimated 584m t of copper oxides. Work should start on the project in February 2006. The ore content is low 0.41%. The mine should have a 14-year working life.

    Copper: The Chilean government appears to have seen off a strike by copper workers who worked for contractors who did jobs for the state-owned copper mining company, Codelco. The contractors wanted Codelco to pay them all an extra Ch$500,000 (US$900) bonus simply because the copper price is so high. The government said that meeting the strikers demand would cost Ch$14bn (US$27m). It was not clear how well the strike was supported. Even the strike leaders reckoned that fewer than half the 28,000 contractors working for Codelco mines had taken part in the strike. Codelco executives claimed that even fewer had taken part.

  • PANAMA: Public sector investment falls

    06 December 2006 Hits: 264

    Public sector investment from the Fondo Fiduciario para el Desarrollo fell by US$203m or 15% in the first six months of the year. 

    The bulk of the money in the fund (85%) is used to back bond issues by the federal government. The other 15% is split between agriculture, reforestation and roadbuilding. The money for the Fondo Fiduciario comes from the development of former US bases that were returned to the government after the Carter-Torrijos treaty.

    Dairy: Dairy producers agreed on 1 November to increase production of Grade C fresh milk from 47m litres a year to 60m. All of this milk, equivalent to a third of the country's total annual output, will be bought by the Swiss food company, Nestlé. Nestlé has increased the price it is paying for the milk by US$0.01 a litre.

    The agreement means that Nestlé will restart production of condensed and evaporated milk which it halted in 2003. Production then shifted to Chile. 

    As condensed milk faces heavy tariffs, the price of the stuff in Panama has shot up to US$2.44 a tin. The bulk of the price is tariff: the government is levying a 161% tariff on condensed milk. Nestlé expects to be able to sell locally produced condensed milk for US$1.44 a tin.

  • COLOMBIA: Exports up 15%

    27 September 2007 Hits: 135

    In the first half of the year, exports rose by 14.6% to US$13.22bn. Despite the jump, the country ran a trade deficit of US$1.13bn up from a deficit of US$143m in the first half of 2006. Imports were up by 22%, compared with the first half of 2006 at US$14.34bn.

    The strong trade figures point, as the finance ministry was quick to note, to an economy growing at an annual rate of at least 7.5%. In the first quarter the growth rate was 7.98%; in the second, the rate is likely to have come down to a more sustainable 7%. Construction is the fastest growing sector: preliminary figures show the sector growing by 17.2%, year-on-year, in the second quarter. Industrial output was up by 12.4% and financial services by 9%.

    The main laggard is agriculture which grew by only 1.9% year-on-year in the second quarter.

    The main reason for the jump in exports was the strength of demand for manufactured goods, especially from Venezuela which is booming thanks to the surge in oil prices.

    Non traditional exports were up by 19% at US$6.99bn. Traditional (commodities) exports, comprising oil, coal, coffee and ferronickel were up by a more modest 10% at US$6.22bn. By value, ferronickel was the star performer, with exports up by 141%. This was because the price of nickel hit an all-time high of US$55,000 a tonne in the first half of the year. The price is now down to US$27,000 a tonne. Coal exports were up by 29%, thanks also to higher prices. Coffee exports were up by 15%, thanks to decent prices but oil exports fell by 15% because of a fall in production.

    The country's trade is dominated by two countries: the US, which buys 33% of the country's exports and Venezuela, which buys 14%. The country's biggest trade surplus (US$1.2bn in the first half of 2007, 200% more than in the first half of 2006) is with Venezuela. Colombia's trade surplus with the US fell by 65%, compared with the first half of 2006, to US$615m. The fall underlines the country's need for the US Congress to ratify the free trade agreement President George W Bush has negotiated with President Alvaro Uribe.

    The country's biggest trade deficits are with Mexico, where the deficit jumped by 51% to US$1.13bn and Brazil, where the deficit jumped by 42% to US$986m.

    The surge in non-traditional exports prompted a 6.3% increase in manufacturing output in the first half of the year. Capacity utilisation was also good at 82.7%, according to the Asociación Nacional de Industria. Companies overwhelmingly (88%) reported strong order books. This prompted 71% of businessmen to say that their companies were in good shape (against a historic average of 52.3%) and 42% to say that they though that business would get even better in the future.

    Businessmen said that the exchange rate was their biggest single problem. What is extraordinary is that law and order barely featured on their list of concerns. It was cited by just 0.8% of the respondents. Less than two years ago, law and order would have invariably been one of the top concerns.

    Inflation: The inflation rate was negative in August at minus 0.13%. This brought the 12 month rate down to 5.22%. The rate for the first eight months of the year is 4.58%.The main reason for the fall in the inflation rate in August was a decline in food prices. The food price sub-index fell by 1.11% in the month. Despite the fall, the inflation rate is still well beyond the central bank's target for a rate of between 3.5% and 4.5% in 2007.

  • NICARAGUA: IMF forecasts 3% to 4% growth

    31 July 2008 Hits: 152

    Humberto Arbulú, the IMF's representative in Managua forecasts that growth in 2008 will be between 3% and 4%.

    This a bit below the 4% to 4.5% rate the government is forecasting. The government is more optimistic about exports and construction which it claims will get a boost from government spending at the end of the year.

    In the first half of 2008 export receipts were up by 30.5% compared with the same period of 2007. Exports came to US$835.3m, up from US$640m in the same period of 2007.

    Arbulú argued that 4% growth was nothing to be ashamed of, and conceded that the rate could even be a bit higher because the crucial agricultural sector seemed to be having a good year. The stronger prices of coffee, beans, peanuts and dairy products had already had an effect. The government also claims that agricultural productivity is rising. It also notes that the tax contribution from agricultural exports has increased in the first half of the year.

    In 2007 the economy grew by 3.8%, but inflation came in at 16.88%. This was more that twice the rate forecast by the government. The rate was the highest in the country for nine years.

    Inflation: The accumulated inflation rate for the first six months of 2008 came to 11.76%. This is almost double the rate of the first half of 2007. Annual inflation to the end of June was 23.09%, up from under 9.5% for the 12 months to June 2007. In June 2008, monthly inflation was 1.01%. The main reason for the rise in inflation is higher food and fuel prices. The government's inflation target for 2008 is a single digit rate, but admits that the rate is unlikely to fall much below 2007's level. Independent economists expect a rate of over 20%.

  • HONDURAS: Trade down, budget problems and elections loom

    04 June 2009 Hits: 214

    In the first half of June President Manuel Zelaya Rosales expects to go the US, where he hopes to meet officials from the IMF to start negotiations on a new standby loan. Honduras and Nicaragua are the only countries in Central America without IMF agreements.

    The last Honduran programme ran out in 2006. The lack of a budget for 2009 means that the government has to use the 2008 plan. The problem with this is that the government's budget revenue expectations in 2008 were much higher than is plausible in 2009, yet is still has to use the 2008 expenditure figures. The result is that the fiscal deficit in 2009 is likely to grow. The other problem is that long delayed agreements, such as the pay increase for teachers agreed in 2006, have finally fallen due.

    In 2008 the central government ran a fiscal deficit of about 2.4% of GDP.The problem is that the deficit is likely to increase dramatically in 2009, even if the government scales back on investment in order to meet public sector pay promises. Already, public sector pay swipes 72% of tax revenues and is equivalent to 12% of GDP.

    The economy is already reeling from the effects of the global crisis. In the first quarter of 2009, Honduras ran a trade deficit of US$932m. This was 23% down on the first quarter of 2008, when the deficit was US$1.23bn. First quarter exports were down 15% at US$652m. Agricultural exports came to US$348m. Palmoil exports were down 53%, which was the main reason for the sector's poor performance.

    Inflation: In April the consumer price index rose 0.3% month-on-month. In March, there had been no rise. The April figure brought the increase for the first quarter to 1.1% and the rate for the past 12 months to 8.1%. In calendar 2008 the inflation rate was 10.8%.

  • The key role for banks

    31 March 2010 Hits: 329

    Financial products (such as insurance, pensions, credit cards) are symbols of economic development. What should be concerning policymakers in the region is that Latin America's consumption of all of them is low, by international standards.

    The only real exception is Chile, where financial services (especially pensions) have become a regular part of the economic landscape. Beyond Chile, however, the use and availability of bank credit (the most easily measured and usually the most basic financial service) is still comparatively low. In Mexico, for example, outstanding bank credit is still lower than it was before the 1995 Tequila crisis.

    Financial services are crucial to development because they lengthen people's economic horizons. In developing countries, micro-credit, which may just be for a day, is usually the first step towards a full-service financial system.

    Some economists dismiss the big growth in Brazilian bank credit in the past five years (from 30% to 45% of GDP) as being distorted by the huge state development bank, BNDES, which is now a major lender to the corporate sector. The argument here is that the BNDES is meeting a need which both the private sector and the savings system should be meeting. Essentially, the BNDES funds itself from either the bond markets or fiscal revenues.

    What is worth noting is that the banking system in some unlikely parts of Latin America is doing rather well. Bolivia is a case in point. The new president of Asociación de Bancos Privados de Bolivia (Asoban), Ronald Gutiérrez, claims that commercial banks in the country are brimming with money. He estimates that they have around US$1bn in liquid assets which they would like to turn into credit for productive sectors. This brimming liquidity means that interest rates are close to record lows. The other interesting point about the Bolivian financial system is that it is de-dollarising. Gutiérrez said recently that 60% of the banking system's assets and liabilities were in local currency Bolivianos.

    The fact that the region got through the recent global economic downturn without a financial crisis is almost unprecedented, and demonstrates that the Latin America's financial system is strong, if not deep. As President Lula of Brazil recently observed: a decade ago, the debt problem Greece is facing now would have caused major problems for Brazil, and by implication the rest of the region. The fact that this has not happened demonstrates that things are improving.

  • OK, but no more

    04 February 2011 Hits: 456

    On paper the economic outlook does not look too bad. Real annual GDP growth in 2010 was at least 5% and the private sector is expecting another 3.5% in 2011, even though the government hopes for 3.9% and JP Morgan is forecasting 4.5%. Bullishly, the economy created 732,000 (social security paying) new jobs in 2010: the most it has managed for a decade. The problem is that when these achievements are put into context they dwindle into insignificance. The recovery in GDP comes after the 6.5% decline in 2009.

    The sudden economic problem is inflation. The Banco de México reported that a sudden gust of fresh food price rises in the second half of December 2010 pushed the monthly consumer price index up to 0.5%. This pushed annual inflation in 2010 to 4.4%.

    In the first half of January food and household-product prices rose even faster. According to price watchers, a basket of 25 staple foods and household products jumped 5.3% in the first fortnight of 2011. The biggest jump in prices was onions, which surged 35%. Beans, another staple food for the poor, were up 29% in the first half of the month. What should be worrying policymakers is that it is not just fresh food prices which are jumping: bleach prices were up 30% and soap prices were up 18%. Year-on-year, the same basket of goods now costs 5.7% more.

    Independent economists are now forecasting that inflation could easily top 5.5% in 2011, even if the peso remains strong against the US dollar.

    The jump in inflation comes at an awkward time. Although the economy had a better year in 2010 than it did in 2009 it is still far from being in robust shape. Walmart de México, the country's biggest retailer, reported that in December its sales were up 3.7% year-on-year in nominal terms. As inflation was up 4.4% in 2010, Walmart's sales actually fell in real terms.

    The weak sales figures have been franked by faltering consumer confidence. In December the consumer confidence index fell for the second consecutive month. What should be concerning policymakers is that in the five months from August four saw a fall in consumer confidence.

    Another bleak straw in the economic wind is industrial orders. These fell in December after two months of rises.

    These short term problems will complicate an already difficult economic and political outlook. The country is gearing up for congressional and presidential elections in 2012. The current government is weak: it declared war on organised crime on taking office in 2006 and is clearly not winning. Longer term, even orthodox economists are lamenting the record of the right wing Partido Acción Nacional (PAN) governments, which have held presidential power since 2000. Neither Vicente Fox nor the current president, Felipe Calderón Hinojosa, have delivered the economic reforms they promised. To be fair, neither president had a majority in congress. It is hard to see Calderón's successor emerging from the elections of 2012 in a stronger position.

    Economically, Mexico has major structural problems. Its productivity is continuing to fall and its government is all but paralysed. One example of this paralysis is the failure to even start work on the state oil firm Petróleos Mexicanos (Pemex)'s controversial new refinery at Tula, Hidalgo. The government and Pemex have been talking about the refinery for the past couple of years. The opportunity cost (incurred by not building the refinery) is rising as Mexico's appetite for refined products, of which it is a net importer, increases as its economy recovers.

    Although the job creation figure is heartening, it also points to quite a few lay-offs in December, traditionally a poor month for job creation. In the first 11 months of 2010 the economy had created 962,000 new jobs. The actual outcome of 732,000 new jobs is a bit better than the forecast made by both the labour minister, Javier Lozano, and the finance minister, Ernesto Cordero, who said in September 2010 that they expected 2010 to yield 700,000 (net)  new jobs in the formal sector of the economy. The outcome is also significantly better than the forecast from the central bank which was for a net addition of between 600,000 and 650,000 new jobs in 2010. In the whole of 2009 only 82,900 net new jobs were created. This was a result of the global economic crisis which led to the loss of 701,000 jobs in the formal sector of the economy between November 2008 and May 2009.

    Another structural problem is Pemex's dwindling oil production. In the first 11 months of 2010 the oil monopoly produced an average of 2.57m bpd. In the same period of 2009 it produced 2.6m bpd but in 2005 Pemex produced 3.33m bpd. The rationale for building the Tula refinery is underlined by the fact that imports of refined products, petrochemicals and natural gas has increased from US$9.5bn in 2005 to over US$19bn in 2010. Mexico currently imports 45% of the petrol and diesel it consumes.

    Even the impressive GDP growth figures for 2010 show that the economy is starting to slowdown In the first nine months of the year the economy grew by 5.28%, year-on-year, according to figures from  the Instituto Nacional de Estadí­stica y Geografí­a (Inegi). This represents quite a slowdown from the 7.6% year-on-year rate of growth in the second quarter of 2010.

    The IMF points out that Mexico will underperform the rest of Latin America in 2010 and 2011. In 2010, while the region grew by 5.7%, Mexico will manage 4.9%, the IMF reckons. In 2011 Latin America will grow by 4% but Mexico will manage only 3.5% according to the IMF. The latest economic forecasts from the UN's Comisión Económica para América Latina (Cepal) are similar. Cepal, like the IMF, is forecasting that the economy will grow only 3.5% in 2011, below the government's forecast of 3.9% and below the region's overall growth of 4.2%, which is slightly above the IMF's forecast for regional growth in 2011.

    Although sales of new vehicles finally began to rise in the final part of 2010, they are still way below (20%) the level they reached in 2008. Mexicans are the least confident of all in the region  about the state of their economy. According to the Latinobarómetro poll, only 8% of Mexicans believe that the economy is in a good or very good situation. This compares with 38% of Brazilians who believe that their economy is either good or very good. 

    The latest Latinobarómetro (2010) survey also shows that Mexico is the nation where people are least satisfied with economic performance. Only 17% of Mexicans are satisfied with general economic performance, the survey shows. This is significantly lower than the percentages who say that they are satisfied in Uruguay (54%), Chile (49%), Brazil (47%), Venezuela (38%), Panama (38%) and Ecuador (37%). 

    Mexico is also the lagging nation in the region in satisfaction with democracy. Only 27% of Mexicans are satisfied with their system as it is now, below even Guatemala and Peru, both at 28%. This compares very unfavourably with Uruguay, where 78% of those polled say that they are satisfied with their democracy, and Costa Rica (61%). 

    FDI: A specialist private security firm, Grupo Multisistemas de Seguridad Industrial (GMSI), claimed that in the first nine months of 2010 foreign direct investment (FDI) in Mexico's six northern border states fell by 78%, compared with the first nine months of 2008. GMSI reckons that because of the poor security situation in the states of Chihuahua, Nuevo León, Sonora, Baja California, Coahuila and Tamaulipas, foreign investors spent only US$874m in these states compared with the US$3.93bn they invested in the same period of 2008. The 2010 figure is also down on the US$1.36bn invested in the first nine months of 2009.

    GMSI pointed out that U-Line has postponed a proposed US$40m investment in warehouses in Nuevo León, while Biomex has mothballed a proposed US$100m ethanol plant slated for Tamaulipas.
    GMSI points out that the north is not the only part of Mexico where investments have been cancelled or postponed because of the authorities' apparent loss of control of the area. Michoacán has also seen a significant drop in FDI.
    Overall, GMSI reckons that the upsurge in violence in Mexico in 2010 has cost the country US$4bn in FDI.

    IMF support: On 10 January the IMF agreed to make its biggest ever loan: the recipient is Mexico, which gets a two year standby loan of US$72bn. The loan is designed to prevent the economy from running into a balance of payments crisis before the next government takes office.

    Currently, Mexico is in decent financial shape. Its central bank reserves stand at a record US$116.86bn. They grew by 20% in 2010 and in the first week of 2011 they rose US$3.2bn as the central bank sold peso for dollars in an effort to prevent the peso appreciating further. Mexico's reserves are substantially lower, in GDP terms, than Brazil's which stand at 16% of GDP. Mexico's reserves are equivalent to about 10% of GDP. 

    Investment returns: In 2010 the private sector pension funds, the  Administradoras de Fondos para el Retiro (Afores), delivered an annual average return of 11.8%. This was slightly above the 11.2% nominal return they delivered in 2009. The figures come from the Comisión Nacional del Sistema de Ahorro para el Retiro (Consar).

    The 2009 and 2010 figures are the highest since 2006. The 2010 would have been even higher but for a poor performance by financial markets in November and December. Excluding the final two months, the average return would have been over 18%. Óscar Franco, executive president of the Asociación Mexicana de Afores (Amafore), pointed out that since the creation of the Afores in 1997 the average annual return has been 13.6% in nominal terms, or 6.6% in real terms. The best performing Afore in 2010 was Invercap, which returned 17.5% nominally. The worst was Inbursa, which delivered only 5.8%.

    Remittances: In November 2010 the inflow of remittances was up 8.5% year-on-year at US$1.62bn. For the first 11 months of 2010, however, the inflow was down 0.56% year-on-year at US$19.5bn. The private sector forecast for December is for an inflow of US$1.62bn, which would produce a total inflow for 2010 of US$21.13bn, which would be down marginally (US$50m) on 2009's US$21.18bn. More importantly, the 2010 figure would be 16% down on the 2008 inflow.

    In peso terms, the inflow of remittances is even worse because the peso has appreciated against the dollar. In November 2010 the peso climbed 7% against the dollar.  In 2011 the private sector hopes that remittances will increase by about US$1.2bn, to about US$22.5bn. The most recent economic figures from the US, however, are not that encouraging. Employment in the US is still not improving. Unemployment among Hispanics is about 25% higher than the national unemployment rate of 9.6%. 

    • Another worrying indicator is that the number of remittances is still falling, year-on-year. This suggests that the better-off remitters are sending more cash home but the poorer remitters are sending nothing back.

  • BRAZIL: WTO failing on agriculture

    12 July 2010 Hits: 1618

    The World Trade Organisation has failed to stitch together an agreement on agricultural trade for the key ministerial summit in Cancún, Mexico next month. Last night the WTO admitted that it could not agree on a draft for issues such as agriculture, services and industrial goods. It did, however, seem to be close an agreement on allowing emerging market economies to ignore patents on treatments for serious diseases such as AIDS and malaria.

    Carlos Peres del Castillo, the WTO general council chairman, said that the ministers would now have to sort out an agreement at the Cancún meeting. This will run from 10 to 14 September. Thanks to intensive lobbying by Brazil, the ministers will have a Brazilian report on why it was impossible to reach an agreement and its suggestions for a way forward. The Brazilian ambassador to the WTO, Luiz Felipe de Seixas Correa, said that the point of this was to show that the draft for Cancún was not endorsed by Brazil and other countries as a basis for negotiation. Brazil wants developed countries to eliminate their agricultural subsidies.

    The US appears to be taking a more constructive line than the European Union. Yesterday the US changed policy and dropped its opposition to emerging countries using generic drugs before patent protection has expired. Peter Allgeier, the US ambassador to the WTO said that there were major differences between the developing and developed countries. He said that he hoped that Brazil and the other countries would be constructive in Cancún.

  • PERU: Government wants 'battalion' to fight Sendero

    12 July 2010 Hits: 261

    The government is getting increasingly desperate in its efforts to combat the leftist guerrilla group Sendero Luminoso. It is considering dusting off an old plan to form a battalion of troops to fight Sendero, Interior Minister Fernando Rospigliosi announced, adding that support from the US would be welcome.

    'We want to create a battalion to fight subversion, but I don't know if we will be able to count on help from the United States,' Rospigliosi said. 'If there was (help), that would be excellent'. The announcement is a further indication that the much-trumpeted military campaign against Sendero has not been successful. It comes days after President Alejandro Toledo issued a presidential decree extending the state of emergency in five of Peru's 25 departments for another 60 days. The state of emergency was first imposed in July for 30 days.

    Peru is already the second-largest recipient of military aid from the US in Latin America, after Colombia. It is set to receive US$64.6m this year, increasing to US$71.3m in 2004.

    Sendero guerrillas kidnapped and later released 60 employees of the Argentine firm Techint working on the Camisea gas pipeline in the department of Ayacucho in June.

  • ARGENTINA: PJ surprise win in Chubut

    12 July 2010 Hits: 237

    The ruling Partido Justicialista scored an unexpected victory in the province of Chubut yesterday. The peronist candidate Mario Das Neves defeated the incumbent governor José Luis Lizurume, from the Unión Cí­vica Radical, by around three percentage points.

    Das Neves's victory, which ended 12 years of Radical control in Chubut, was made all the sweeter for the PJ by its success in the federal congressional votes. The PJ won two of the three Chubut seats in both the senate and the chamber of deputies. Peronist candidates were also successful in four of the five most important mayoral posts in the province.

    Prior to the 9 November vote, no polls had forecast a victory for Das Neves. The PJ had hoped, however, that the visit of Argentina's president Néstor Kirchner to the province on 31 October to support the peronist's candidacy would help Das Neves turn around the deficit. While Kirchner's visit might have had some effect, however, the internal divisions within the UCR were probably more telling. Lizurume did not receive the backing of Chubut's radical senator and erstwhile governor Carlos Maestro after the pair were embroiled in a bitter row earlier this year. This weekend's failure is symptomatic of a wider crisis amidst the UCR; as Maestro himself said yesterday, 'Things are not good in the radical party'.

  • COSTA RICA: Government breaks off Cafta talks

    12 July 2010 Hits: 256

    To the delight of its business sector, the Costa Rican government pulled out of the final round of talks about creating a free trade area between Central America and the US on 16 December. The decision was a surprise because Costa Rica had made significant concessions to the US, especially in liberalising the telecoms industry, to achieve a deal. The Costa Ricans say that they will return in January to negotiate a deal, but a date has yet to be set. As the other Central American delegations observed, the US is unlikely to change its offer over Christmas and the New Year.

    The business sector applauded the negotiating team's decision not to yield to US pressure; business leaders from other Central American countries had previously criticised Costa Rica for failing to stand up to the US. Rafael Carrillo, president of the Cámara de Industrias de Costa Rica, said that it had always been clear that the country would benefit from an FTA with the US, but it would not be right to do a deal which would create big losers.

    Over last weekend (13-14 December) the Costa Rican delegation became increasingly alarmed at the tough negotiating stance adopted by the US. The final straw was the US's (deliberately last-minute) demand that Costa Rica open up its insurance market, which is currently a state monopoly.
    The Costa Rican position had become increasingly isolated as, one by one, its neighbours caved into US pressure. Costa Rica was sticking to the agreed Central America positions on sugar (not allowing the US to supply more than 20% of consumption) and low import quotas for US produced chicken. The other Central Americans abandoned these positions under pressure from the US.

    The Costa Ricans were deeply unhappy at the US negotiating strategy which they claimed was aimed at bouncing them into a deal. The US, according to the Costa Ricans, deliberately left the trickiest issues to the last minute. The US said that the current round of negotiations, which started last week, would be the final round. This strategy, the Costa Ricans claimed, frightened other Central American countries into making concessions on key issues such as textiles.

    By Monday (15 December), the Costa Rican delegation, holed up in the Mayflower Hotel in Washington, was considering its options. Either it yielded to the US or it had to agree to pull out of the negotiations and come back in January. By Monday afternoon the head of the Costa Rican delegation, foreign trade minister Alberto Trejos, realised that the other parties to the deal were almost agreed. He called Robert Zoellick, the US Trade Representative, early yesterday morning to discuss the situation.

    According to the Costa Ricans, Zoellick agreed to delay the finalising of the deal until January. Both sides, the Costa Ricans say, recognised that Cafta would benefit them both, but that an agreement was impossible before the (US imposed) deadline. A final effort yesterday morning to find a way forward failed, and it was agreed that Costa Rica would come back in January. The other CAFTA countries agreed a deal with the US but have not yet signed it.

    Trejos tried to put a positive gloss on the failure to clinch an agreement. He said that the meetings had made progress, especially in intellectual property rights. He pointed out that the technical teams would continue to discuss the deal in the run-up to the next summit.

    The foreign trade minister also claimed that the two sides were 95% of the way towards a deal, but the remaining 5% contained issues which were of crucial importance to Costa Rica. The US underlined that it would continue to push for Costa Rica to dismantle its state monopolies in services such as telecoms and insurance. Richard Mills, the US Trade Representative's spokesman, said that two thirds of the US's trade was in services.
    Mills also hinted that the US may sign a deal with the other Central American countries which make up Cafta: Nicaragua, El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala. He said, however, that he did not want to speculate on that possibility.

  • BRAZIL: Deported Brazilians arrived from the US

    12 July 2010 Hits: 2249

    The first group of Brazilians to be deported by US authorities arrived in Belo Horizonte on Wednesday, 28 January. They were accompanied by three senators as well as forty US immigration agents. A deal was struck between Brazilian diplomats and US immigration officials to return the more than 1,400 Brazilians who are being kept in custody by US authorities for trying to enter the US illegally. More illegal immigrants are schedule to arrive in Brazil in the next three months.

    Currently, there are 1,050 Brazilians in US penitentiaries ready to be flown back. Although they have not committed any crime apart from immigration offences, they are kept in security prisons together with serious criminals. Most of them come from the impoverished north-east part of the state of Minas Gerais. In order to enter the US, Brazilians pay up to US$15,000 to organised Brazilian and Mexican gangs, the so-called 'coyotes'.

    The group have been flown back in commercial airliners. The costs have been met by the US government. Once in Brazil, the group was met by their families. The ones who are not from Minas Gerais will be flown back to their place of origin.

    Meanwhile in Geneva, the first international agreement to protect illegal immigrants has been implemented. The Palermo Protocol will be used to fight international gangs specialising in people trafficking. For the first time an international agreement recognizes migration not as a crime, and that immigrants can be victims who need protection. The agreement has already been ratified by 40 countries, including Spain, France, Norway, Argentina, Peru, Mexico, Costa Rica, Ecuador and New Zealand.

  • VENEZUELA: Opposition to decide tomorrow

    12 July 2010 Hits: 189

    The Coordinadora Democrática (CD), the increasingly loose association of opposition groups, indicated that it will give its final response to the Consejo Nacional Electoral (CNE) tomorrow. The two sides are trying to find a compromise under which the opposition may have a chance of getting to the 2.4 valid signatures needed to trigger a referendum on President Hugo Chávez .

    The CD is unhappy that the CNE will not allow it to cross-check the signatures it collected. The CD is playing up allegations that the government has somehow interfered with its petitions in order to undermine the opposition effort. The CNE has ruled that so far the opposition has 1.8m valid signatures: the CD claims to have collected over 3m.

    The CNE has made it clear that although CD acquiescence would be a plus, it is not essential. The CNE, backed by the international observers, the Carter Center and the Organization of American States, said that its double checking of the 876,000 dodgy petitions would go ahead with or without the CD's approval. The CNE has ruled that signatories whose handwriting is suspiciously similar to other signatories will have to present themselves in person at validation centres.

    The number of validation centres has still to be settled. One suggestion is 2,700 centres across the country and a two day validation period at the end of March. The other idea is for 355 validation centres (one per municipality) and a five day validation period.

  • CUBA: UN resolution passed by a single vote

    12 July 2010 Hits: 254

    The United Nations Human Rights Commission in Geneva passed the US-backed resolution condemning Cuba for human rights violations yesterday. However, with 10 abstentions, 22 votes in favour of the proposal and 21 against, the situation was heated.

    Following the vote, representatives from different countries continued to argue; one official was even knocked to the ground. Cuba immediately rejected the key clause of the resolution, declaring that it would not allow a human rights monitor to enter the country. Foreign minister Felipe Pérez Roque called the resolution 'ridiculous' and indicated that Cuba would not cooperate because it felt discriminated against. Cuba again stressed that the US was behind the resolution, which was brought before the Commission by Honduras in March. Cuba accused the US of using its power to undermine President Fidel Castro's government and of pressuring other nations to side with it against the island.

    Honduras, and other countries supporting the resolution, said that they acted independently. Mexico, which claimed for weeks that it had not made up its mind, voted in favour of the resolution. True to his promise, Luis Ernesto Derbez, Mexico's foreign minister, revealed his country's decision to Cuba before the vote. Chile, Guatemala, Peru, Costa Rica and the Dominican Republic also backed the resolution. Brazil, Paraguay and Argentina abstained.

    A similar resolution was passed last year, but it did not openly criticize Cuba's human rights record. This year, the resolution condemns Cuba's crackdown on 75 dissidents and highlights the need for freedom of religion, freedom of expression and access to fair trials. Most importantly, the resolution again calls on the Cuban government to allow Christine Chanet, a UN human rights official, to visit the island. In February, Chanet issued a report requesting the release of dissidents imprisoned in Cuba in March and April 2003. Cuba said the dissidents were funded by the US in the superpower's attempt to weaken Cuba's political system.