Bolivia is often seen as a tinderbox, currently dampened by a 'social truce', which could be set ablaze in an instant. In that scenario Evo Morales, the indigenous coca-grower turned politician, is seen by many as the man capable of rallying the peasant masses behind the kind of destabilising campaigns that have forced two Bolivian presidents to step down in just under two years. The US government sees Morales as a client of Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez , bent on subversion. But Morales does not command the allegiance of more than part of Bolivia's array of militant social organisations. With the country fast approaching critical elections, discerning and distinguishing the various strands becomes crucial.
Gone are the days when the umbrella labour organisation, the Central Obrera Boliviana (COB), was able to stage politically decisive mobilisations. Since the mid 1980s, with the demise of the big state-company unions, it has failed to gain the support of a working class that has trebled in size since the COB was founded in the 1950s. It is now largely confined to urban activity, its strength resting mainly in two public-sector unions: the teachers and the healthworkers. The COB has been reduced to piggybacking on major mobilisations chiefly mounted by the peasant-based organisations.
The weakening of the COB at a national level has to an extent been accompanied by the strengthening of some of the regional labour umbrellas, the CORs - most notably that of La Paz. The numerically strong COR of Santa Cruz, though, has tended to follow the political lead of the pro-autonomy Comité Cívico Pro Santa Cruz, a body dominated by the business associations - despite the fact that working conditions in Santa Cruz are notoriously poor.
The peasant unions
Of the peasant-based organisations, by far the strongest is the Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB), though it is divided into two large groups with very different traits. Arguably the most powerful is the one led by Felipe Quispe, which holds sway in a dozen or so provinces in the highland department of La Paz.
This is the most radical group, on two planes. Ideologically it leans strongly towards the Aymara nationalism (secessionist in the last instance) advocated by Quispe. In this respect it is the only organisation aligned with a proposal to revolutionise the Bolivian state. As to practices, it has pioneered the protests via roadblocks and shown itself able to bring its home ground to a complete halt. Many recall the time in 2001 when it set up its 'capital' in Achacachi and appeared to be about to initiate a civil war. It has also successfully sought to place its leaders in elective offices. Its two main shortcomings are its limited geographic influence and the scant appeal of its Aymaran supremacist discourse to other ethnic and social groups.
The other faction of the CSUTCB is that led by Román Loayza, of the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) led by Evo Morales. It has a broader geographic reach, spreading out from Cochabamba to embrace parts of Potosí, Santa Cruz and Sucre. Its discourse is more agrarian and much less indigenist (let alone pro-Aymara) and it does not propose a major overhaul of the state. On the other hand, it has proven itself less able to mobilise than Quispe's faction.
The landless
Another, newer rural organisation is the Movimiento Sin Tierra (MST-Bolivia), the 'movement of the landless', which is also divided into two big factions with different areas of influence. The one led by Angel Durán is base mainly in gas-rich Tarija and in the predominantly Aymara highlands. The other, led by Moisés Tórrez, in Santa Cruz and parts of
Cochabamba.
The 'landless' of Cochabamba are chiefly people left with too little land to eke out a decent living. In Santa Cruz these mingle with those who have no land at all and engage in seasonal agricultural work. The latter are predominant in Tarija and across the board there are those who have drifted away from joblessness in the cities. While Durán's faction relies mainly on land invasions meant to become permanent settlements, that of Tórrez functions more like a trade union. Interestingly, it is the latter that seems more able to mobilise its members. It is worth noting, though, that in the highlands many members of the MST, in their other capacity as members of Aymara communal groups, often join the mobilisations called by the
CSUTCB.
The coca growers
The cocaleros of the Chapare area of Cochabamba were Evo Morales's original powerbase - and he indeed continues to lead that region's federations of coca growers. It must be noted, though, that these federations are basically engaged in defending their right to cultivate coca and resisting forcible eradication; only secondarily do they engage in politics.
There are in Bolivia two distinct groups of coca growers, those of Cochabamba and those of the Yungas valleys north of La Paz. The latter, in whose territory are the legal coca plantations intended for traditional use, are less afflicted by forcible eradication than the former. These are mainly Aymara highlanders, while the growers of Chapare are an admixture of local Quechua, mestizo peasants and Aymara migrants from the highlands (Morales being one of these). This has given their discourse far less of an indigenist tone and consequently a broader social appeal, which is what allowed Morales to rise in national politics.
Well worth underlining is the fact that the Yungas coca-growers joined early in the wave of protest actions in 2003 that ultimately unseated President Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada, whereas those from Chapare enlisted very much at the last minute. It has been remarked that Morales's ability to stage mass mobilisations depends largely on the state of his relations with Quispe, and this is not often predictable given their very different political agendas.
Other groups
One indigenous group which appeals to the same constituency as Quispe is the Consejo Nacional de Ayllus y Markas del Qullasuyu (Conamaq), which is built on Aymara communal structures and has declared its intention to contest this year's elections. There are also organisations that represent the minority indigenous groups, such as the Confederación de Pueblos Indígenas de Bolivia (Cidob), strong in Beni, and the Coordinadora de Pueblos Étnicos de Santa Cruz (CPESC). These two have tended to resort to the government and the courts in pursuits of their aims, though of late Guaraní militants have taken to emulating their highland peers by seizing oil installations.
The picture would hardly be complete without mention of organisations which, starting out as single-issue groups, have become very militant and branched out into politics. The most notable examples are the Coordinadora de Defensa del Agua y el Gas, involved in the 'water war' in Cochabamba, and its more recent follower, the Federación de Juntas Vecinales (Fejuve) of El Alto, which from the second 'water war' moved on to play an important role in the protest mobilisations of 2003 and 2005.