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  • Frases de la semana

    07 December 2009 Hits: 1

    “En el mundo femenino me dicen que subió bastante mi popularidad."

    - El Presidente de Paraguay, Fernando Lugo, comentando irónicamente las versiones sobre nuevas denuncias sobre paternidad.

    “El Gobierno lo que está haciendo es una cura de cadáveres, porque el daño es irreparable."

    - Henry Ramos, el vocero de la oposición de Venezuela, refiriéndose a la intervención del gobierno en el escándalo bancario.

    “Hay que tener sentido de las proporciones, los jóvenes no pueden pretender empezar por arriba asumiendo los cargos más altos."

    - El nonagenario ex presidente de Chile, Patricio Aylwin, sobre la candidatura presidencial de Marco Enrí­quez-Ominami.

  • PERU: Ecos de Bagua al producirse cinco muertes en choques con la policí­a

    09 April 2010 Hits: 116

    Unos 7.000 mineros informales bloquearon la carretera Panamericana el 4 de abril cerca del pueblo de Chala en el departamento sureño de Arequipa, para protestar contra un decreto que impone restricciones a la prospección de oro. La policí­a intentó dispersar a los manifestantes con gases lacrimógenos, pero en los choques que se produjeron, se informó que cinco personas fueron muertas por disparos y una mujer anciana que viajaba en un autobús retenido por el bloqueo, falleció de un ataque al corazón. La explotación de recursos naturales es la principal causa de disturbios en Perú. Este último choque evoca memorias de la violencia de junio pasado en el pueblo norteño de Bagua, cuando la policí­a chocó con manifestantes indí­genas que habí­an instalado bloqueos de rutas para protestar por la apertura del área a grandes compañí­as mineras y madereras: resultaron muertas 33 personas.

    El gobierno aprobó un decreto en febrero para establecer zonas de exclusión minera en la región amazónica de Madre de Dios, en el sudeste de Perú, prohibiendo el cribado de oro no regulado y el dragado de rí­os. Eso aparentemente era para reducir la contaminación y, quizá más exactamente, para aplicar impuestos a la minerí­a informal de oro que según cálculos del gobierno genera NS$1,6bn (US$560m) por año. Exigiendo la revocación del decreto, los mineros informales en Madre de Dios comenzaron una acción de protesta que obtuvo respaldo en departamentos vecinos como Arequipa, por el temor que pueda introducirse un decreto similar en el departamento.

    El Presidente Alan Garcí­a adoptó una posición combativa. Dijo que el decreto era necesario para regular una “forma salvaje de minerí­a", que sigue sin pagar impuestos y era “un tipo de esclavitud que genera otras formas de servilismo como la prostitución, tráfico de personas y trabajo infantil." También dijo que la contaminación con mercurio, asociada con la minerí­a y el procesamiento de oro a pequeña escala, representaba una gran preocupación ambiental, despojando a Madre de Dios, una de las más importantes reservas de biodiversidad en el mundo, y planteando una amenaza a la salud de las comunidades indí­genas.

    Se estima que en el Perú hay unos 300.000 mineros informales, que no se oponen a la formalización legal de su comercio, toda vez que puedan seguir trabajando. Ellos arguyen que el gobierno solamente está ocultándose detrás de una supuesta conciencia medioambiental, y que lo que realmente desea es formalizar el sector para luego dejarlas de lado para favorecer a las grandes compañí­as privadas de minerí­a.

    El record del gobierno sugiere que tienen algo de razón. El gobierno no ha criticado a la gigantesca Newmont Mining Corporation con base en EU, y a Buenaventura de Perú, que dirige Yanacocha (la segunda más grande mina de oro en el mundo, localizada en el norte de Perú), a pesar de la campaña de alto perfil conducida por Marco Arana, un ex sacerdote que se presenta como candidato a presidente en 2011, destacando los peligrosos niveles de mercurio que producen. El gobierno también dejó en claro su intención de permitir a las grandes compañí­as operar en la Amazoní­a, antes que las protestas en gran escala en Bagua lo forzaron a echarse atrás en esos planes. Los mineros informales arguyen que mientras el estado se beneficia financieramente de la minerí­a en gran escala, no canaliza esos ingresos hacia las comunidades locales.

    Conversaciones
    El primer ministro, Javier Velásquez, está tratando desesperadamente de llegar a un acuerdo con los mineros antes que el congreso decida rechazar el decreto en interés de la seguridad pública. El también está conciente que su cargo puede estar en juego: su predecesor, Yehude Simon, fue forzado a renunciar después de la debacle de Bagua. Velásquez anunció el 6 de abril que lí­deres de los mineros de Madre de Dios habí­an suspendido las protestas por 48 horas para iniciar conversaciones como parte de una comisión de alto nivel formada a toda prisa para discutir el decreto. Dijo que el gobierno estaba dispuesto a aceptar que podrí­a no ser correcto y que el decreto podrí­a ser mejorado.

    Sin embargo, la tregua, negociada por el gobierno regional y representantes de Velásquez, no puso fin a las protestas en Chala, donde los bloqueos de rutas permanecen vigentes. La fuerza aérea ha estado transportando por aire a pasajeros de unos 1.500 vehí­culos varados.

    El gobierno afirma (sin especificar) que corporaciones mineras rusas y brasileñas estaban detrás de los mineros y fomentan las protestas. Los ministros del gabinete también apuntaron al opositor de izquierda, Partido Nacionalista Peruano (PNP), liderado por Ollanta Humala: el PNP tiene su base de poder en las regiones del sur de Perú. Humala negó que el PNP haya alentado a los mineros a que protesten. En cambio, afirmó que su partido habí­a presentado numerosos proyectos de ley sobre la reorganización de la actividad minera, y especí­ficamente la formalización de la minerí­a informal. El pidió que todos los responsables, comenzando con Velásquez, renuncien a consecuencia de la violencia, que él afirma avergüenzan a Perú ante los ojos de la comunidad internacional. También dijo que Garcí­a debí­a ser sometido a juicio polí­tico por su “permanente incapacidad moral".

    Protestas de la policí­a
    Irónicamente, el 5 de abril, el dí­a después de comenzar las protestas de los mineros, el gobierno afrontó la posible amenaza de protestas de la policí­a. El ilegal Sindicato Unico de la Policí­a Peruana (Supp) llamó a una huelga nacional de la policí­a en demanda de aumento de salarios. Dos lí­deres del clandestino sindicato, que fueron puestos en prisión en febrero por insubordinación, lograron exhibir un video en el sitio de YouTube en Internet alentando la huelga. Docenas de oficiales y soldados retirados de la policí­a marcharon en Tacna, una ciudad fronteriza con Chile, para exigir la reestructuración de salarios y pensiones. Pero el jefe de la fuerza policial, Miguel Hidalgo, se vio en apuros para enfatizar que oficiales en actividad no se habí­an unido a la protesta.

    Garcí­a dijo que la policí­a no tení­a derecho legal para hacer huelga. Y agregó que en febrero habí­a firmado un decreto otorgando a los miembros de las fuerzas armadas y la fuerza policial el pago de un sustancial bono por única vez, seguido de un incremento salarial en dos etapas. La causa de las fuerzas de seguridad ha sido defendida por el vicepresidente, Luis Giampietri, un ex almirante y comandante de fuerzas especiales de la armada [IL-10-08].

    Servicio de salud universal
    Desafortunadamente para el gobierno, la acción de protesta de los mineros, y la incertidumbre que rodea la acción de protesta por la policí­a, desvió la atención de un decreto con intenciones benignas. Garcí­a promulgó la semana pasada un decreto bajo el cual los pobres e indigentes recibirán servicios de salud sin cargo. Los trabajadores y jubilados deberán contribuir con el esquema, que será financiado fuera del presupuesto de salud.

    • Aumento salarial
      El Presidente Alan Garcí­a anunció en febrero que él otorgarí­a a los miembros de las fuerzas armadas y de la Policí­a Nacional de Perú un bono de NS$1.000 (US$350), a un costo de NS$150m (US$52m) para el estado. Además, dijo que recibirí­an un incremento mensual de salario de N$100 (US$35), en dos cuotas, en marzo y julio. Garcí­a dijo que la medida beneficiarí­a a unos 150.000 miembros en servicio de las fuerzas armadas y la policí­a, como también las viudas de aquellos caí­dos en acción -pero no a los jubilados. Garcí­a dijo que él crearí­a una comisión especial del gabinete para mediados de 2010, para analizar la reestructuración de las pensiones.
  • ECUADOR: Fabricio Correa lanza campaña presidencial

    23 July 2010 Hits: 143

    El Presidente electo de Colombia, Juan Manuel Santos, fue el orador principal en una reunión de la cámara de comercio de EU en Miami, el 15 de julio. En el auditorio estaba sentado Fabricio, el hermano mayor del Presidente de Ecuador, Rafael Correa, cuya sola presencia fue diseñada deliberadamente para provocar a Correa. Sin embargo, Fabricio procedió a informar a la prensa de su resolución de lanzar un movimiento polí­tico para desafiar al “modelo totalitario" de su hermano en la elección presidencial en 2012. También insistió en que la justicia de Ecuador no era independiente, y que la administración Correa habí­a ordenado la investigación de Santos (por el bombardeo aéreo a un campamento de la guerrilla de las Farc en Ecuador en marzo de 2008) para detrimento de los lazos con Colombia.

    La elección por Fabricio Correa del sitio para su renovado ataque contra su hermano fue frí­amente calculado para lograr un máximo efecto. El afirmó que Ecuador se estaba modelando basándose en Venezuela “todo lo que se hace en Ecuador tiene una connotación polí­tica," dijo, pero “los estudiantes, maestros y los indí­genas todos estaban montando protestas porque nadie en el paí­s quiere un modelo venezolano donde los alimentos se pudren, no hay agua potable, y Caracas se ha convertido en la segunda ciudad más peligrosa en la tierra".

    Con ese modelo, dice Fabricio, la inversión extranjera huirá. Dijo que la inseguridad jurí­dica significa que en 2009, mientras Perú recibió US$24bn y Colombia US$18bn de inversión extranjera, Ecuador fue receptor de apenas US$300m. Acusó al gobierno de “incompetencia y rampante corrupción", y pidió que se convoque a un referéndum sobre Correa para preservar la democracia. Finalmente, dijo que se sentí­a responsable por lo que estaba ocurriendo debido a que él ayudó a poner a Correa en el poder, y expresó su intención de creara su propio movimiento polí­tico.

    El ataque sobre Correa, de parte de su propio hermano, es potencialmente dañino, porque no todos los que lo escuchan hablar a él se dan cuenta que tiene un interés personal; que la razón por la amarga división con su hermano no es por convicción polí­tica sino rencor personal por la decisión de Correa en julio de 2009 de poner fin a cuatro contratos firmados con compañí­as vinculadas con Fabricio, a fin de distanciar su gobierno de los dañinos alegatos de tráfico de influencia. Un indignado Fabricio, cuyas compañí­as también se habí­an beneficiado de préstamos baratos de instituciones financieras estatales, entonces alegó que la corrupción reinaba en el gobierno.

    Totalitarismo
    La acusación de Fabricio que Correa está avanzando a la velocidad de la luz para imponer un “estado totalitario" no surge de ninguna evidencia. La administración Correa, de hecho, está teniendo serias dificultades para lograr que se apruebe su agenda de reforma a través de la asamblea nacional. Esa agenda apunta a centralizar el control sobre la enseñanza superior y la administración del agua, y tomar medidas drásticas sobre los medios. Eso en sí­ mismo es difí­cil que sea calificado como totalitario. Tampoco es la manera en la cual mirí­adas de debates, consultas y observaciones han sido hechas sobre esas cuestiones.

    Poderosos grupos de interés -estudiantes, maestros e indí­genas- han ayudado a posponer por meses las votaciones en la asamblea nacional. El presidente de la asamblea, Fernando Cordero, fue compelido a suspender una votación sobre una ley de la educación superior esta semana, y cuando las protestas indí­genas recientemente sostuvieron la aprobación de una reforma del agua, de nuevo, Correa ya fastidiado comentó que una reforma que él habí­a descrito como esencial para la seguridad nacional era innecesaria. El gobernante Acuerdo Paí­s (AP), en marcado contraste con el Partido Socialista Unido de Venezuela (PSUV), no disfruta de una mayorí­a en la asamblea nacional. Le faltan tres bancas para la mayorí­a, y está quedando a merced de partidos de izquierda más pequeños, sin mencionar a los diputados de dentro de su propia y heterogénea AP.

    Curiosamente, los cargos de Fabricio de totalitarismo se produjeron en la semana que la quinta rama del gobierno, el Consejo de Participación Ciudadana y Control Social (Cpccs) inició sus tareas. La oposición sostiene que es poderoso nuevo cuerpo creado bajo la constitución permitirá a Correa concentrar más poder en sus propias manos pues la mayorí­a de sus siete miembros representan a organizaciones sociales naturalmente cercanas a la revolución ciudadana de Correa. El Cpccs designará los comités de 'ciudadanos' que organizarán las competiciones por las posiciones de fiscal general, contralor general, defensor público, y los dos órganos electorales (CNE y TCE), entre otros, en el curso del año próximo. El gobierno arguye que el proceso de selección para el Cpccs fue transparente y basado en méritos y que incrementará la participación ciudadana.

    • Educación

    El Presidente Correa dice que él considera que la transformación de las universidades de Ecuador será “una responsabilidad histórica" pues ellas son “lo peor en América Latina". El culpó al sistema universitario autónomo e insistió que la creación de un independiente alto consejo de educación, como se prevé bajo su propuesta de reforma de la educación superior, era una parte esencial de su plan nacional para desarrollar el Estado. Correa tendrá que aguardar. El gobierno tiene cuatro votos menos de la mayorí­a requerida para aprobar la reforma el 20 de julio.

  • RASTREANDO TENDENCIAS

    12 November 2010 Hits: 106

    PANAMA | Presupuesto. El Presidente Ricardo Martinelli promulgó la semana pasada la ley que sanciona el presupuesto 2011, por US$13bn, un incremento de 23% sobre el año previo. De eso, US$5,4bn irán a las inversiones y US$6,2bn a la administración. En adición, el gobierno está pagando US$1,4bn en servicios de la deuda externa, de ello, poco más de US$800m irán en pagos de intereses, mientras que US$608m se destinarán al pago de capital. El presupuesto está basado sobre la asunción de un crecimiento del PIB de 6,5% en 2011, y una inflación de 3%. Notablemente temprano este mes, el FMI emitió un informe que pronostica que la tasa de crecimiento del PIB de Panamá serí­a el más rápido de Centroamérica desde ahora hasta al menos 2015.

  • Frases de la semana

    11 March 2011 Hits: 309

    “Ellos son nuestros amigos, nosotros los respetamos, pero ellos están muy lejos. Ellos no tienen idea acerca de Libia. Libia está en el Oriente Medio y Africa del Norte. Venezuela está en Centroamérica."

    -Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, al rechazar la propuesta de mediación del Presidente de Venezuela,  Hugo Chávez , ha mostrado que él “no tiene idea" acerca de la geografí­a de América  Latina.


    “En América Latina basta ver la calidad de la cuna para poder predecir cómo va a ser la calidad de la tumba."


    -El Presidente de Chile, Sebastián Piñera.
     

    “El sol quema con la misma luz con que alumbra. El sol tiene manchas. Los agradecidos ven la luz. Los desagradecidos ven las manchas."

    -El Presidente de la República Dominicana, Leonel Fernández, citando al apóstol de la Independencia de Cuba, José Martí­.

  • EL ESCENARIO 'POST-NEOLIBERAL' (I)

    11 September 2007 Hits: 8

    Un número de gobiernos latinoamericanos actuales han renegado de modo explí­cito del neoliberalismo o han obtenido poder criticándolo. Lo que aún no está claro es hasta dónde ellos intentarán revertir las reformas que han sido identificadas con el neoliberalismo. Hasta ahora, la tendencia general no ha ido muy lejos en esa dirección.

    Liberalización del comercio
    El avance hacia una mayor liberalización comercial ha continuado, aunque no por entero con el alcance previsto por el ALCA. El Tratado de Libre Comercio Centroamérica-República Dominicana (Cafta-DR) -una denominación en la cual el nombre del socio mayor, EU, está ausente- fue firmado en 2004 y ha sido ratificado por todos los firmantes, salvo Costa Rica (realizará un referéndum para la ratificación en octubre). En América del Sur, Colombia y Perú han firmado tratados de libre comercio con EU, aunque irónicamente es EU el que retiene la ratificación. Ecuador y Bolivia fueron dejados fuera de las negociaciones por Washington.

    El comercio administrado continúa siendo practicado por Brasil y Argentina, y está implí­cito en los acuerdos de Venezuela con sus socios en Alba (que además prevé la posibilidad de "comercio compensado", que significa sin usar moneda). En esa área, más que renuncia a la liberalización comercial, hubo una clara disminución de las iniciativas de mayor liberalización.

    Pese a la fuerte retórica hubo necesidad de reintroducir una polí­tica industrial, que no tomó la forma de un retorno al proteccionismo de otros tiempos; en general, los gobiernos han sido cuidadosos en mantener sus incentivos industriales dentro de los lí­mites de las normas de la OCM.

    Privatización y concesiones
    No hubo una reversión general de las privatizaciones, sólo unos pocos casos de rescisión de contratos en el área de servicios públicos (en Argentina, Bolivia, y Brasil) y el uso de tácticas de mano dura por los gobiernos para convencer a las compañí­as privadas de petróleo y gas de aceptar más altos impuestos, tomas de royalties y mayorí­a accionaria del gobierno (tí­picamente, 51%) en joint ventures (en Bolivia, Venezuela y Ecuador). En verdad, aunque el Presidente de Bolivia, Evo Morales, montó su "nacionalización" de la industria de hidrocarburos, la constitución ya estipulaba claramente que los hidrocarburos eran propiedad del estado, lo que en realidad realizó fue una reforma radical de las condiciones contractuales.

    Vale señalar que los cambios fueron aceptados por las grandes compañí­as de petróleo extranjeras que operaban en Bolivia, quizá porque el gobierno podí­a tener bases para anular de plano sus contratos, sobre todo porque no habí­an sido aprobados por el congreso y, por tanto, eran inconstitucionales. Ecuador invalidó un contrato con una compañí­a petrolera sobre la base que habí­a violado sus términos; el gobierno de EU se puso del lado de la compañí­a y declaró que era una cuestión de estado, pero no fue más allá que suspender las conversaciones sobre comercio con Ecuador.

    Lo más cerca que estuvo alguno a una reversión de la polí­tica de privatización (es decir, más allá de la retórica) ha sido la creación de Argentina de una nueva firma estatal de energí­a: Energí­a Argentina Sociedad Anónima (Enarsa), para dedicarse a la explotación de petróleo y gas, a la par que la privatizada Yacimientos Petrolí­feros Fiscales (ahora Repsol-YPF) y otras firmas privadas.

    El estado es propietario del 53% de Enarsa, 12% las provincias, con el restante 35% negociable en el mercado de valores. Se involucró en joint ventures con otras compañí­as petroleras estatales sudamericanas, en el espí­ritu de la iniciativa Petrosur, de Venezuela.

    El sector financiero
    No hubo avances para nacionalizar el sector bancario o para reducir los variados grados de independencia o autonomí­a otorgados a los bancos centrales (un rasgo del menú neoliberal). Argentina ha restaurado el rol que su banco central tení­a antes que fuera transformado en una junta monetaria bajo la polí­tica de la "convertibilidad" de la era Menem (que puso sobre el estado la obligación legal de cambiar a la par pesos por dólares de EU). Como señalamos antes, la formal dolarización, total o parcial (no un rasgo estándar del menú neoliberal) sólo encontró tres interesados en la región.

    FMI y las polí­ticas internas
    Argentina, usualmente descrita como recurriendo a polí­ticas "no ortodoxas" -como el congelamiento de los depósitos bancarios y las tasas de servicios, los controles de precios, el mayor default registrado en la deuda soberana- para salir de su recesión de 2001, anunció en diciembre de 2005 que cancelaba su deuda con el FMI y se abstení­a de nuevos acuerdos. Brasil ya habí­a hecho lo mismo. Bolivia dejó que su último acuerdo standby con el FMI expirara en marzo de 2006. Ecuador anunció su pago final y el fin de sus lazos en enero de 2007.

    Mark Weisbrot, el economista que describió al FMI como siendo la "cabeza del cartel de acreedores" y el "guardián" de los prestadores internacionales, dice de esta serie de rupturas con el FMI: "Aunque ha recibido poca atención en los medios, el colapso del cartel de acreedores liderado por el FMI es en sí­ mismo, probablemente, el cambio más importante en el sistema financiero internacional desde el fin del sistema de tasas fijas de cambio de Breton Woods en 1973. Eso es especialmente cierto para paí­ses en desarrollo."

    Aludí­a principalmente a la pérdida del FMI de la capacidad de dictar polí­ticas económicas. Como probó Argentina, era más tigre de papel de lo que muchos imaginaban. Pero la nueva situación tiene otro aspecto: algunos de los enfoques de polí­tica forzados a sus clientes latinoamericanos por el FMI (como superávit primario por encima de los requeridos a los paí­ses desarrollados, y el uso liberal de altas tasas de interés para aplacar los signos de presiones inflacionarias) en realidad, por el contrario, fueron retenidos por gobiernos "anti-neoliberales", y por otros no explí­citamente o de ninguna manera en ese campo. Incluso Evo Morales se declaró convencido de las virtudes de la estabilidad macroeconómica, que se ha vuelto un slogan de ese enfoque hacia la inflación.

    Gobierno encogido o activo
    Como se ha visto, fueron sólo unos pocos gobiernos latinoamericanos -con Argentina bajo Menem a la vanguardia- los que tomaron las recomendaciones para reducir el estado en serio, o al menos sacarlo de la actividad económica. Las empresas que proveí­an sustancial ganancias e ingresos fiscales de la exportación, fueron retenidas firmemente en manos del estado, incluso en aquellos alumnos modelos del neoliberalismo, como Chile y México.

    Lo que emergió claramente en la mayor parte de América Latina es la exigencia de un estado enérgico y activo, al menos como fuerte regulador y corrector de las distorsiones del mercado. Venezuela, bajo Hugo Chávez propone más que eso: una expansión del rol del estado como actor dominante en sectores "estratégicos" de la economí­a. Evo Morales, de Bolivia, está persuadido de lo mismo, y Rafael Correa, de Ecuador, sólo menos enfáticamente. El modelo que ellos parecen imaginar es similar al de una economí­a mixta, que prevaleció en el periodo posterior a la Guerra Mundial II, de industrialización con sustitución de importaciones, aunque tení­a una participación privada más pesada.

  • Still waiting

    24 April 2007 Hits: 396
    Businessmen and the authorities are becoming increasingly gloomy about the economic outlook. The notion, put about by the government, that 2004 should be substantially better than this year, is taking a knock. The influential Centro de Estudios Económicos del Sector Privado (Ceesp), said that it does not expect much of an improvement in the economy next year. The finance ministry has already lowered its growth forecast for 2004. It now reckons that the economy will grow by 3.1%. It had been forecasting a rate of 3.5%. The Ceesp calls the new target conservative, but realistic. This year, the ministry set off hoping for 3% growth: it now accepts that growth will be around 1.5% and inflation will be around 3.8%.

    Even the 3.1% growth rate implies quite a pick-up on the current rate of growth. After the poor first half of this year, for the economy to grow by 1.5% this year it will have to grow by 1.8% in the second half of the year. Even if the economy does hit the 1.5% annual growth rate, it is not much to write home about. In per capita terms it is insignificant. Assuming that the government hits its revised target for 2003, per capita income in its first three years will have fallen by 2%.

    In the first half of the year, the economy grew by 1.2%. In the third quarter, growth will be about 1.5%. This means that in the final quarter growth will have to be at least 2% for the government to hit its target. 

    Only mediocre
    As one of the country's leading economic commentators, Enrique Quintana, put it: the good news is that the economy is growing. The bad news is that the growth rate is only modest. To be fair, there are signs from the demand side that the worst might be over. 

    Unemployment fell back slightly in September. The open unemployment rate dipped under 4%, to 3.87%, confounding sceptics. The drop in the rate means that 106,000 jobs were created in the month. Sceptics point out that the figures are probably flattered by the restart of the academic year, which has reduced the number students classifying themselves as job seekers.

    What should be concerning policymakers is that the pick-up in employment this year has been weaker than usual. The number of people in proper jobs (ie, paying into the social security fund, IMSS) on 15 October was 53,742 down on the same day of 2002. This year there were 12.288m people in IMSS registered jobs. Of these jobs 87% were permanent and 13% were temporary. This means that the number of people in IMSS registered jobs is 0.4 of a percentage point lower than at 15 October 2002.

    More detailed statistics point to a very weak labour market, especially for the better paid and economically stimulative jobs in the manufacturing industry. The official statistics agency Inegi provided evidence of the problems facing Mexican manufacturing. In August, the number of people employed in manufacturing was 4.3% lower than in the same month of 2002. The number of hours worked was down by a thumping 6.7%. Despite the slackness of the labour market, wages in manufacturing are still going up. They were up 1.3% in real terms over the past year. The industries worst hit are metal bashing (down 9%) and textiles (down 7%). The wood industry saw its payroll fall by 5.5%.

    Although the latest unemployment figure (for September) puts the jobless rate at 3.87%, down from 3.96% in August, this fall is little to brag about. Unemployment in Mexico is defined as people over 12 who are looking for work but have not had even one hour of paid employment in the week before the survey. The country has a labour force of 42m people; so 1.63m are without any sort of paid work. Around 10m people are reckoned to work in the informal economy. 

    Retail sales
    Equally worrying on the demand side is the weak state of the domestic market. The retailers association (Antad), which, however, excludes the country's biggest retailer, Wal Mart de México, showed year-on-year sales in September rising by just 0.5%. For the third quarter, Antad sales were up by 1.6%. 

    The detailed figures show that self-service stores are doing significantly worse than specialist and department stores. Self-service stores' sales were down by 2.9% in September while they were down by 1.2% in the quarter. This weak performance shows that ordinary people are more cautious about spending than the middle classes, who tend to frequent specialist and department stores.

    Problems on the supply side

    Not only does the government face a looming budget crunch, but it also has to contend with a domestic economy that is still weakening. Whether the government will hit its lower 2004 growth target must be moot. Industrial activity is still declining. 

    In August, the year-on-year decline in industrial output was 2.9%, much worse than the consensus forecast, which had been for a 1.6% decline. Indeed, the August output figure showed the biggest year-on-year drop for four months. Over the first eight months of the year, industrial output was down by 1.2%.
    Manufacturing is still by far the worst performing sector: in August its output was 4.8% down on the same month of 2002. Maquiladora output was down by 3.1%. Overall, in the first eight months, manufacturing is down by 2.5% on the same period of 2002.

    The best performing industrial sector is the oil business: in August, production was up by 6.1%, year-on-year. Pure mining (ie, of metals, coal and rocks) was down by 4%. There were significant falls in gold, silver and coal production.

    The construction industry is also having a decent time, thanks to government spending: in August, construction output was up by 2.4%. This boosted associated industries such as brick making and concrete mixing. Overall, in the first eight months of the year, construction is 3.3% ahead of the same period of 2002.

    The big problem for Mexican manufacturing is that it has yet to benefit from what appears to be a decent recovery in the US. Manufacturers say that export orders from the US have yet to come through in significant volumes. The other problem policymakers face is that, with a squeeze on government revenues likely next year, construction spending is likely to come down. The government will not be able to afford to continue with its road building projects, if it is serious about holding the fiscal deficit to 0.3% of GDP



    Assumption for 2004 budget
    It is against this comparatively grey economic backdrop that the government is making its budget assumptions. Rubén Aguirre, one of the two deputy finance ministers, responsible for income, briefed the congressional budget committee on the key assumptions for 2004 in mid-October. The budget is due to go to congress by 1 November. It has to be passed by congress by 15 December.

    The key assumptions are: an average exchange rate of 11 pesos to the dollar, an average oil export price of US$18 a barrel, and an average export volume of 1.86m bpd. Aguirre also said that the government would aim for a fiscal deficit of just 0.3% of GDP.

    The peso
    The forecast for the currency is bullish. The peso touched a record low of 11.32 to the dollar in mid-October. It has fallen by 8% in the past five months and some economists had been pencilling an end-year rate of 11.5 to the dollar. It is worth recalling that the currency tumbled to 11.22 against the dollar and then recovered to almost 10 to the dollar in May.

    The latest bout of peso jitters has coincided with a weakening of the US dollar. There are, however, some fundamental reasons for the weakness of the peso. One is that foreign direct investment into the country has slowed down quite sharply. Another reason is that exports to the US (and thus the inflow of dollars) have been weak. The government and its supporters argue that foreign investment will only pick up when its energy and electricity sector reforms are implemented. They also point out that the peso weakness is, to some extent at least, seasonal: the currency always seems to weaken in October.

    Another reason for the weakness of the currency was the widespread fear that the government would have to abandon the policy of allowing the central bank to auction surplus dollar reserves. The fear was that the inflow of reserves in the third quarter had diminished to such an extent that the central bank would no longer be deemed to have surplus reserves.

    In the event, the central bank saw a net inflow of US$791m over the quarter. This means that it will auction US$6m a day from 3 November. The mere fact that the government is auctioning dollars should help the peso to strengthen against the dollar.

    Oil price forecast
    The most striking of the government's assumptions is the bullish forecast for the oil price. Aguirre conceded that the low oil-price forecast meant that, without a fiscal reform, the government's income would drop by 4.9% next year. In fact, export earnings from oil are likely to drop by around 25% on the government's own price and production forecast. So the finance ministry is counting on a major pick-up in domestic energy demand in order to hit its revenue targets.

    This year, the government has been exporting around 1.85m bpd of oil at an average price of around US$24.8 a barrel. The 2004 forecast puts oil export revenues at around US$33m a day, or US$12.2bn a year. This year oil revenues are running at around US$46m a day, or US$16.1bn a year. On these figures, the decline in oil export revenues is likely to be around 25% in 2004. Aguirre must therefore be hoping for domestic fuel consumption to pick up strongly to boost government income.

    Oil tax revenues in the first eight months of this year were US$31.7bn. A 30% reduction in oil revenues would mean a 10% cut in budget spending, according to the government's previous rule of thumb.

    Aguirre added that, given the inflation forecast of 3%, there would be a real drop in government revenues of about 7% next year, unless the government's yet-to- be-unveiled fiscal reform was approved. As things stand, the total tax take for 2004 is expected to be around 11.45% of GDP, by far the lowest of any member of the Organisation of Economic Cooperation and Development.

    Oil exports: bit of a boom

    The state oil company, Petróleos Mexicanos, reported that oil exports in the first nine months of the year averaged 1.86m bpd. This meant that export earnings were US$12.5bn. This was US$2.94bn more than for the same period of 2002.

    In the first nine months of the year, the average price was US$24.8 per barrel. This was well above the budget forecast of US$18.5 a barrel.

    The overwhelming bulk of the crude oil Mexico exports is heavy Maya stuff: average export volume was running at 1.628m bpd. Exports of light Isthmo are running at 19,000bpd, while exports of the super light Olmeca are running at 213,000bpd.



    Reforms unlikely
    The government is making only desultory efforts to get its reforms through congress. The deadline it has to meet to get the budget approved by congress means that a substantial tax reform will probably have to wait until after the fiscal convention next February. The government is clearly hoping to make the changes it failed to make when it first took office: it wants to lower value-added tax (VAT) from 15% to 10%, but extend it to food and medicine. It also wants to cut income tax rates from 33% to 30%

    President Fox has dropped some hints about the shape of the fiscal reform. He said that the government would keep a number of basic foods and medicines free of VAT. Congress feels again, as it did in 2001, that the government is trying to bounce it into approving a reform. Both the chairman of the budget commission in the lower chamber, Gustavo Madero, a member of Fox's Partido Acción Nacional, and the leader of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional in the lower chamber, Elba Esther Gordillo, claim that Fox is speaking as though they had signed up to the government's plans.

    The big argument against tax reform is that there is no guarantee that the money will be used by the government in a productive way. Indeed, the Fox government's record on efficiency is dismal. Under Fox, the administrative cost of the government has increased by 9% in nominal terms, or 5% in real terms. There is no evidence that this has led to better services.

    Borrowing
    The challenging economic problems facing the government have not deterred international investors from piling into Mexican debt. Domestic borrowers are more cautious. Yields on the benchmark 28-day cetes are now at 5.5%, the highest for four months.

    Yet the combination of underlying problems and weaker domestic markets did not prevent Mexico from selling US$1bn of 10-year bonds at just 179 basis points over US Treasuries.

    The new US$1bn bond, led by JP Morgan Chase and Morgan Stanley, was part of 2004's financing programme, the finance minister, Francisco Gil Dí­az, said. The country has US$3.5bn in debts maturing next year. Officials are also clearly worried by the prospect of Pemex being downgraded. This would affect other government-guaranteed borrowers.

    Moody's, one of the main international credit rating agencies, put Pemex on notice for a possible downgrade in early October. The other main rating agency, Standard &Poor's, held its rating: Pemex took advantage of S&P's reaffirmation of faith to sell US$500m of bonds on 16 October.
  • COSTA RICA: IMF optimistic

    24 April 2007 Hits: 233

    The IMF is optimistic about the economy, even though it is also forecasting that the growth rate will slow down sharply this year to 3.8%. In 2003 the growth rate was 5.6%. Next year the IMF is forecasting just 3.5% growth. The number three in the Fund, Agustí­n Carstens, paid a visit to the capital, San José, on 12 July to underline the Fund's support, and concerns, for the country. 

    The IMF is counting on congress approving the government's fiscal reform. This will, the IMF reckons, keep inflation at between 9% and 10%. Even so the fiscal deficit will still be a thumping 5.4% of GDP this year and 4.5% in 2005. If the fiscal reform does not go through, and it has been largely stalled in congress for the past couple of years, the outlook will be much darker, the IMF says. Some bits of the fiscal reform have got over some congressional hurdles, but the entire proposal is still some way from complete approval.

    The IMF is also guarded about the effect that the Central American Free Trade Agreement (Cafta) will have on the economy. The Costa Rican president, Abel Pacheco, is waiting to see what happens to Cafta in the US congress before sending the bill to the Costa Rican congress for ratification. Several US congressmen have warned that Cafta will not be ratified by the US this year because of the forthcoming elections.

    • Carstens said that he supported president Abel Pacheco's attempts to increase the use of the colon in the country and reduce the use of the dollar. 
    • Costa Rica is the second most popular Latin American destination for US tourists after Brazil. In the first five months of 2004, 556,412 tourists, from all parts of the world, flew into Costa Rica. This was 23.5% up on the same period of 2003. The peak season for tourism is January to April. Room occupancy rates were over 70% officials say. In 2003, the industry grew by 11%.The industry had expected the growth rate to slow down a bit this year, but the success of the high season prompted the Instituto Costarricense de Turismo to increase its forecast for growth this year to 12%.
  • OIL: What the oil price rise means

    27 April 2005 Hits: 131

    Oil prices broke through US$57 a barrel in early April as speculators bet that the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (Opec) would be unable to increase its production as much as had been expected. Opec's president, Kuwait's Ahmad Fahd al-Sabah, said that Opec would strain to produce the 30.3m bpd the market expects it to produce by the end of the year. 

    The obvious beneficiary from the rise in oil prices is Venezuela. Mexico, which produces as much oil as Venezuela, has long argued that its manufacturing industry is damaged by high prices because they depress US demand. Chile and the "dessert economies" of Central America and the Caribbean, which import virtually all their energy and fuel, are the most vulnerable to high oil prices. 

    The consensus in the financial markets is that high oil prices are here to stay. Goldman Sachs, an investment bank, published research on 4 April which argued that oil prices would average US$50 a barrel this year and US$55 in 2006. The investment bank suggested that oil prices could peak at US$100 a barrel. Guillermo Perry, the World Bank's chief economist for Latin America, argued at the beginning of April that oil prices at these levels would not pose a problem for Latin America, which could still expect economic growth of 4.5% in 2005. If prices went higher, he added, the industrialised economies would tip into recession and growth in Latin America would slow down. 

    The rule of thumb is that each US$5 rise in the average annual price of oil will increase Venezuela's economic growth rate by 1%. The effect on Mexico is neutral while both Argentina and Brazil will suffer slightly (0.2%) slower growth.

    The issue for Chile is complicated by copper. In 2004, the surge in copper prices offset the effects of higher oil prices. If copper prices were to fall significantly, the economy could run into major difficulties. 

    Our view is still that oil prices will weaken substantially this year. In the first two months of 2005, China's oil imports fell by 13%, year-on-year. This has prompted speculation that China's hurtling rate of economic growth may finally be slowing. US inventories have now risen for seven consecutive weeks, puncturing economists' worries about shortages. This information has yet to feed through into the oil price. 

    Colombia: Armando Zamora, the director of the Agencia Nacional de Hidrocarburos, said that the country would remain self-sufficient in oil until 2010. Nevertheless he is forecasting a 3% drop in production for 2005, after a 2% drop in 2004. Average production in 2004 was 528,000bpd down from 541,000bpd in 2003. The country's oil reserves stand at 1.47bn barrels. The country added 124m barrels to reserves in 2004 (but extracted just under 193m in the same period). Zamora noted that the ANH signed 21 new exploration contracts in 2004 and a further 10 in the first quarter of 2005. 

  • AGRIBUSINESS: Sugar price hits 24-year high

    27 January 2006 Hits: 174

    The international sugar price hit its highest level for a generation on 20 January 2006: US$0.17 per pound. This followed cuts in forecasts for the amount of sugar Brazil will supply to world markets. The forecasts are being cut for two reasons: one is a drought which has affected cane production in the northeast of the country. The high international oil price is encouraging sugar producers to distil more of the stuff into alcohol to meet the booming demand for alcofuel in Brazil. About 80% of the ethanol Brazil produces, which could run to 16.6bn litres in the year to September 2006, is used to run cars in Brazil.

    Brazil had originally been expected to produce 450m t of sugar cane (and so about 50m t of sugar, about half of which will be distilled into ethanol). The current official estimate for the cane crop is around 436m t. The next sugar crop, which is expected to be larger, will start to be harvested in May 2006.

    The rise in demand for sugar is leading to a surge of investment in the industry. The agriculture ministry's director for sugar, Angelo Bressan, said that 40 new sugar mills and distilleries were currently under construction in Brazil. Farmers have increased their sugar acreage by about 5% in the past year to 5.88m hectares.

    In 2005, Brazil exported 17.5m t of sugar worth US$3.3bn and 2.1bn litres of ethanol worth around US$756m.

    Sugar: The US sugar lobby is treating Panama in the same way as it dealt with Mexico in the Nafta negotiations. The lobby has persuaded US Trade negotiators to accept the concept of a net sugar exporter. This means that Panama will be allowed, under the free trade deal it is negotiating with the US, only to export a proportion of its net sugar surplus. The US insisted in Nafta, though it did not spell this out in the treaty, that the concept of net sugar should also include imports of high fructose corn syrup. The US has successfully included similar provisions in its FTAs with Peru and the Dominican Republic.

    Coffee: Honduran coffee growers expect the price to at least hold at its January level. The price for a 46kg bag (110lbs) was US$120. This was the highest for some years, according to the president of the coffee producers association, Fredy Espinoza. In the 2004/05 coffee year, which ended on 30 September 2005, the country exported 3.1m bags of coffee worth US$326m. Espinoza said that the target was to increase exports to 3.7m bags.

    Coffee: Colombian coffee exports in 2005 came to 10.3m (60kg) bags compared with 10.2m in 2004. The country's total coffee crop was around 13m bags. The Asociación Colombiana de Exportadores de Café said that export revenues were worth around US$1.5bn.

    Soya: Brazil, the world's second largest soya producer, expects its grain and oil seed production to rise by 13% this year to 128m t. The government's statistics agency, Ibge, expects the soya crop to rise by 16% to 59mt. In 2005, the harvest came to 113m t down from 119m t in 2004.

  • ARGENTINA: 8% growth

    06 December 2006 Hits: 160

    Argentina's economy grew by 8% year-on-year in September and 0.4% month-on-month according to the official statistics agency, Indec. Over the 12 months to September the economy produced 8.7% more than it did in the 12 months to September 2005. For the first nine months, the year-on-year growth rate was 8.4%. September's growth was slightly slower than independent economists had forecast (in a central bank survey, their consensus was for 8.4% growth in September), but the month was still the fifth month of 8% plus growth in 2006.

    The strong growth is prompting some economists to revise their views of the economy. These economists now expect growth to be well over 8% this year and to hold up at around 7% in 2007. Our view is still that the contradictions in government economic policymaking must cause a crisis sooner rather than later.

    The government needs to keep the economy moving strongly ahead for at least another 12 months in order to secure re-election for President Néstor Kirchner in October 2007. As tax revenues are strong, the government is not under pressure to cut spending: in an election year spending is likely to rise. The central bank has signalled that it is comfortable with the current marginally negative real interest rates and does not intend to raise nominal rates further.

    Our view is that comparative lack of foreign investment in the economy will produce bottlenecks, especially if next winter is harsh. Cuts to energy supplies coupled with inflation back into double digits may panic voters and the government.

    Indec reported that the economy grew by 2.5% in the third quarter year-on-year and so put the economy on course for annual growth in 2006 of 8.5%.

    So far the economy is powering on thanks to strong exports and reviving domestic demand. The government is jacking up wages (with 20% pay rises, for this and next year, well above the rate of inflation) but controlling the prices of a range of goods and services, thus improving purchasing power and creating a feel-better factor. Unemployment is also falling which is boosting domestic consumption.

    On the supply side, the industry which has led the way is construction.The construction sector has grown by 20% in the first 10 months of the year though a slowdown appears to be setting in. Even so sales of cement in the first nine months were up by 21% year-on-year.

    Local economists say that the main reason for the slight disappointment in growth in September was the slowdown in the construction sector. Luciano Laspina, from Macrovisión, said that it was not clear from the statistics whether the slow down in the sector was seasonal or, less likely, the start of a cyclical weakness.

    What was slightly surprising to local economists was that the rate of growth in consumption was slightly lower than overall economic growth: investment was slightly higher. The strength of the domestic boom is clear from the surge in imports. In September, they were up by 28%, year-on-year, well above the growth in exports which was 17%.

    Car component exports
    The value of vehicle components exports is likely to top US$2bn and thus set a new record, according to the foreign minister, Jorge Taiana. He said that the vehicle components industry in particular had managed to integrate itself into regional and international supply chains. He pointed out that there were now 400 companies operating in the country's motor industry. In the first nine months of 2006, component exports came to US$1.69bn, 8% up on the same period of 2005.

    The motor industry
    The motor industry has been the star of the country's manufacturing industries. In the first nine months of the year output is up by 29%. In September vehicle output was up by 45% on the same month of 2005.

    Demand is being driven by both the domestic market and exports. Exports are rising: in the first 10 months, exports were up by 26% year-on-year, at 184.605 vehicles. In the first nine months the value of vehicle sales was US$2bn, 48% more than for the same period of 2005.

    Domestic sales in the first nine months, according to figures from the Asociación de Fábricas de Automotores (ADEFA),were up by 12%, year-on-year. Sales of domestically produced vehicles was rather better, up 26% on the first nine months of 2005.

    The industry has become a major producer of utility vehicles. Exports of these vehicles is up by 23% so far this year.

    The industry is pretty optimistic about its prospects. It argues that the easier availability of credit will boost sales in the final part of the year and going into 2007: car loans are still well below where they were before the economic crisis, that began in 1998 even though car production is now at 127% of what it was in 1997.

    Overall, Adefa forecasts that vehicle production this year will top 400,000.

  • ECUADOR: Budget increased

    27 September 2007 Hits: 208

    The finance minister, Fausto Ortiz, is doing everything he can to keep the international financiers and investors happy with President Correa and his government. The government does not want to pick fights until after the constituent assembly has done its work and a new congress has been elected under a new constitution, probably in the second half of 2008.

    In mid-September, Ortiz leaked the key elements in the 2008 budget which pointed to an economy growing well with low inflation. The government's forecast for the oil price is conservative. Oil supplies the bulk of its revenues and it would be set at US$10.33bn, up from US$9.77bn in 2007. The 2008 budget envisages a deficit of 2% of GDP.

    The government wants to reduce the amount it spends on debt service (from 23% to 20% of total budget expenses) and increase the amount it spends on health, welfare and education by 9%.

    According to the budget, the country's foreign debt will hit US$11.38bn by the end of this year while the domestic debt will stand at US$2.9bn.

    The government claims that by the end of this year social spending will have increased by 28% over the past two years. It believes that social spending will rise again by 9% in 2008. The biggest increases are in housing (up 42%) and employment (up 62%). Education spending will rise by 7%.

    The budget assumptions for 2008 are that GDP growth will be 4.2%. This will propel the economy's output up to US$47.85bn. The inflation assumption is for a rate of between 2.7% and 3.2%. The government is also assuming that the average export price of its oil will be US$35 a barrel in 2008. It is assuming that production will total 185.9m barrels (509,000bpd).

    Correa's ideas: President Correa has given few clear clues about what he would like the constituent assembly, due to be elected on 30 September, to do. Most of what he has said has been rhetorical rather than practical. Correa did, however, give an interesting speech on 23 August in which he outlined his political ideas. He claimed that Latin American (or using President Hugo Chávez 's phrase Twenty-First Century) socialism, to which Correa subscribes, was not a single concept but had many strands ranging from Andean collectivism to Christian Democracy. Correa claimed that Latin American socialism was "finally an ideology produced in Latin America."
    Correa said that like classic socialism, Twenty-First Century socialism emphasised labour over capital, but also recognised "the reality" of the market. Correa implied that market deficiencies could be overcome by collective action, which would be handled by the state.
    Interestingly, Correa said that Twenty-First Century socialism distinguished between price and value. "We believe more in the value by utility than in value by price. Capitalism pays according to prices, but this is inefficient in representing value. What is the price of peace or law and order?"

    Multilaterals: At the beginning of September Ortiz reiterated that the government would continue to service the foreign debt. He added that he was meeting the IDB in Washington in mid-September, though he said that the government would not seek a further agreement with the IMF.

    Inflation: Inflation in August was 0.07%, well down on July's 0.42%. This brought the 12 month rate to 2.44%, while inflation in te first eight months was 1.37%.

  • PANAMA: Changing trade patterns

    31 July 2008 Hits: 415

    Panama has become Costa Rica's most important trading partner in Costa Rica in the first half of this year. Traditionally Guatemala and Nicaragua are Costa Rica's main markets.

    In the first half of 2008, Costa Rica exported US$210m of goods to Panama, up 34% on the same period of 2007.

    Panama buys a wide range of Costa Rican products; 482 Costa Rica companies sell to Panama. They sell over 1,500 different products to Panama.

    Costa Rican exporters say that they are benefiting from the economic boom in Panama. The main beneficiaries are construction companies and companies producing consumer goods. Exports of construction goods from Costa Rica to Panama were up by 79% compared with the same period of 2007 at US$43m. Consumer good sales were up by 16% at US$85m. Overall, exports of raw materials from Costa Rica to Panama were up by 50% at US$96m.

    Inflation: In the 12 months to June, consumer price inflation was 9.6%. Businesses are taking a hit to their margins because wholesale price inflation was 17.1% in the same period.

    GDP: The economy is clearly slowing. In the first quarter the year-on-year rate of growth was 8.4%, well down on the 11.2% growth in 2007. The flash output indicators (the Imae) for April showed year-on-year growth of 8%.

  • NICARAGUA: Growth in 2009

    04 June 2009 Hits: 225

    The IMF's man in Managua, Humberto Arbulú-Neira, forecasts that the economy will grow by between 0.5% and 1% in 2009. He said that the economy's prospects have been hurt by the global economic crisis.

    Antenor Rosales, the president of Banco Central de Nicaragua, believes that the economy is already in recession, pointing out that first quarter exports were fell 11% year-on-year to US$355m. Free-zone exports in the first quarter fell to US$244m, compared to US$288m in the same period of 2008. According to the Centro de Trámites de las Exportaciones, export receipts in the first four months were down 12% at US$497.6m.

    Rosales also reported that remittances fell 0.8% year-on-year to US$200m in the first quarter. Deposits in the banking system remained stable at US$2.5bn and central bank reserves were comfortable at US$1.126bn.

    He also noted that tourism had been buoyant in the first quarter, with revenues up 16% year-on-year to US$87m. The government still believes that real GDP growth in 2009 will be around 1%. It began the year forecasting growth of 3.9%. The authorities may still be a bit too cautious about inflation, expecting a rate of below 8%. In 2008 it was 13.77%. In the first four months of 2009 the annual rate was 6.9%.

    Inflation: In April the monthly consumer price index fell by 0.11%. This was a turnaround from March, when the index rose by 0.53%. The April figure means thata prices have risen by a negligible 0.01% in the first four months of 2009. For the 12 months to April the annualised rate was 6.9%.

  • Has the economy turned the corner?

    31 March 2010 Hits: 318

    Strong export figures, a surge in oil production and an appreciation of the peso against the dollar all suggest that the economy is in bullish shape. We think this optimism is misplaced.

    The national statistics agency, Inegi, reported that export receipts rose 29% year-on-year in the first two months, with the value of manufactured exports up 25%. The problem for the economy is that the external sector, despite the huge liberalisation of the past 20 years, is still only equivalent to just over 20% of total GDP. The domestic sector is almost four times bigger, accounting for about 78% of GDP.

    The key components of domestic demand are: private consumption (accounting for 66% of GDP), the government (11%) and investment (22%). The big problem for Mexico is that domestic demand is still weak. The most obvious measure of this is like-for-like retail sales. In February, retail sales, measured by Antad, were down 1.6% year-on-year. Another key component of domestic demand, credit, is equally weak. It fell 6% year-on-year in January.

    Perhaps the most dramatic evidence of the weakness of domestic demand comes from the motor industry. In the first two months of 2010, vehicle production was up 75.8% at 322,350 units, but this was largely because of a recovery in exports, which more than doubled, year-on-year, to 267,341 vehicles. Domestic sales of new vehicles fell 5.8% to 123,580. (Note: the figures don't add up because domestic sales also include sales of imported vehicles: these were 68,561 in the first two months 2010, down from 71,056 in the same period of 2009). It is worth noting that total domestic sales in the first two months of 2010 were 32.8% down on the comparable period of 2008.

    So even if total exports continue to grow at double-digit rates and investment picks up, the economy will still flounder because of the problems in the domestic sector. The problem is that Mexico's exporters are much more integrated into the US supply chain than the domestic supply chain, so an increase in exports does not, necessarily, ripple through the rest of the economy. The government's policymakers claim that real GDP could grow by 5% in annual terms this year, but this is most unlikely unless the domestic economy recovers its confidence.

    Arguably, the key to what happens in 2010 is what happens in the construction sector. The industry has not got off to strong start, suggesting that it will not hit the optimistic targets set by the government.

    The country's biggest single problem is the weakness of the state-owned energy monopoly, Petróleos Mexicanos (Pemex). Pemex has two main structural weaknesses: it cannot find enough oil to replace the stuff it produces every year and it is wildly overstaffed.

    Pemex has long hoped that the geologically complicated Chicontepec oilfield would offset the decline in output from Cantarell and Ku-Maloob-Zaap (KMZ), the country's two main oilfields. Indeed, KMZ has now become the country's most important field, producing just over 800,000bpd. However it is scheduled to peak imminently.

    Oil analysts claim that Pemex's annual oil output will fall at a steadyish 5% a year for the foreseeable future. In the first couple of months of 2010, average output was 2.61m bpd. This was 12,000bpd above the average for 2009.

    Pemex is unlikely to emerge from its financial hole: it has a rickety balance sheet because of successive administrations' policies of milking the company of cash and saddling it with debt to pay for operational investments. Successive governments have not only saddled the company with debt; they have also saddled it with far too many employees. The only administration which reduced Pemex's payroll significantly was that of President Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988-1994), who got it down from 180,000 to 104,000 after he began his administration by having the head of the oil workers' union, Joaquí­n Hernández, jailed. Pemex's payroll is now back up to 160,000, even though the firm's output is falling.

    Productivity: A recent study by the Inter American Development Bank (IDB) found that Mexico's productivity, measured against the US, had fallen by 31% since the 1960s. What is truly alarming for Mexican policymakers is that the same study showed that China's productivity, again measured against the US, has improved by 219% in the same period. Korea's productivity has gone up by 40% in the same period, and Chile's by 19%. The IDB found that Mexico was still, primarily, a country with a low-skilled low-wage workforce. The average worker had only 9.13 years of schooling and 65% of the labour force did not earn more than three minimum wages (M$5,160, or US$400 a month). Most Mexicans work in small (often micro) companies. Just under 8% of the workforce is employed in big companies, where productivity tends to be higher. A third is employed in the informal economy, where productivity is usually low.

    Tourism: The industry has had a poor start to the year. The question is why. Some commentators argue that the sector has been affected by the upsurge in violence in the country. There is anecdotal evidence that US spring-breakers were much less obvious in Mexico than usual this year. Official figures suggest that tourist arrivals in the last week of February 2010 were 5.6% down on the same period of 2009.
    What seems to be clear is that foreign tourists are shunning Mexico. The Maya Rivera saw a 5.1% drop in arrivals, while Cancún's numbers fell by 12.5%. Puerto Vallarta reported a 12.7% fall. On the other hand, arrivals in places like Acapulco, which depend mostly on national visitors, were up 12.6%.

    Unemployment: In February, the official unemployment rate was 5.4%. Although this was up on the 5.3% rate registered in February 2009, it was well below what local economists had forecast, which was 5.7%. In January 2010 the rate was 5.5%. Unemployment appeared to peak in May 2009 at 6.06%. Inegi classes people as unemployed if they are over 14 and fail to secure six hours of paid work during the week of the survey. Unemployment in the country's main cities is higher than the national rate, at 6.45%. Local economists reckon that the changes in unemployment suggest that between May 2009 and February 2010, 280,000 people have found jobs in the formal economy. Local forecasters doubt that unemployment will fall much further this year. Banamex, one of the country's big banks and a subsidiary of Citigroup, reckons that it will be steady at about 5% for most of this year.

  • COSTA RICA: Mixed messages from central bank

    23 February 2011 Hits: 434

    On 15 February the central bank raised interest rates. This is the first time that the bank has raised rates since October 2010. Yet, the previous day the bank sold dollars to prevent the Colón falling below the C$500 to the dollar level.

    The bank raised ultra short-term rates by half a percentage point to 3.4%. The price of nine-month money went up three-quarters of a percentage point to 4% while longer term rates (over two years and nine months) went up one percentage point to 8.65%.

    The day before the central bank intervened in the foreign exchange market for the first time in two months. The central bank was acting to soak up some of the liquidity created by a strong inflow of dollars from foreign investment, exports  and a bumper tourist season. 

    The bank had not bought or sold dollars for its own account since 20 December, though it had been buying dollars since then to fund oil imports by the state oil company, Recope.

    The strength of the colón has wrong footed local forecasters who have been expecting the currency to fall against in the dollar in line with domestic inflation. As dollar interest rates are negligible, the decision to both sell dollars and raise domestic interest rates risks attracting inflows of hot money. The advantage of a strong colón is that inflation is likely to be a bit lower than some local analysts expect. The risk of a strong colón is that exports to China, one of the country's principal export markets, will be reduced.

    Fiscal reform: On 17 January, the government sent its fiscal reform plan to congress. In 2010 the fiscal deficit was 5.3% of GDP (US$1.97bn) according to preliminary figures from the finance ministry - a 73% increase on 2009. As recently as 2006 the deficit was a negligible 1.5% of GDP. The primary deficit (after deducting interest payments) was US$1.18bn - up 178% on 2009. The finance ministry released a statement predicting that the fiscal deficit would reach 10% of GDP by 2016, some US$4bn, unless the reform was approved soon. But with the bill being debated only twice a week (Monday and Tuesday) for two hours, congress could take until then to work through it.
    The government proposal includes increasing value added tax (VAT) from 13% to 14%, and extending it to both education and private healthcare to raise an estimated additional US$900m as well as cutting public spending in a gesture to the right-wing Movimiento Libertario (ML)
    .
    The main opposition party, the Partido Unidad Social Cristiana (PUSC), has also submitted an alternative proposal, arguing that the fiscal reform presented by the government is unnecessary. The PUSC wants President Laura Chinchilla to transfer surpluses from the decentralised state companies such as the Instituto Costarricense de Electricidad (ICE), the Instituto Nacional de Seguros (INS) and the Instituto Nacional de Aprendizaje (INA), which in 2010 reached C$2bn (US$3.87m), rather than increasing the tax burden on the middle class and perhaps sending the economy into a nosedive.

    Tightening up on tax collection could be another avenue. The government itsef reckons that evasion is running at the equivalent of 4% of GDP (the latest figure, for 2007), up from 2.5% in 1991.

    Inflation : In January inflation was 0.68%. This brought the 12 month rate down to 4.84%. In 2010 the inflation rate was 5.82%.

  • HAITI: Bishop sparks controversy over Aristide's intentions

    12 July 2010 Hits: 397

    The vice-president of Haiti's Roman Catholic bishops' conference, Guire Poulard, has stirred up controversy in Haiti by publicly expressing his doubts that President Jean-Bertrand Aristide will call free and fair legislative elections this year. The Organisation of American States (OAS) has demanded that Aristide create a provisional electoral council and name a date for elections later this year or 'face the consequences', namely another OAS mission. Last June, US Secretary of State, Colin Powell set a date of 4 September as the limit for Haiti to comply with the OAS demand.

    Poulard's remarks were especially controversial because he went on to say that 'We need general elections to usher in a new beginning'. The ruling Fanmi Lavalas party accused him of interfering and said that while legislative elections were constitutionally due, general elections were not due for another two years. The fact that the president of the bishops' conference, Constant Hubert has washed his hands of the matter suggests that Poulard went beyond his mandate. Hubert said that Poulard's remarks were his own and did not reflect the stance of the organisation as a whole.

    Meanwhile, the new OAS special envoy to promote dialogue in Haiti, Terence Todman began the unenviable task of seeking consensus between the Aristide government, the opposition Convergence Démocratique and civil society on Monday. He will present his report to OAS secretary general César Gaviria next week.

  • VENEZUELA: Government dismisses terrorist allegations

    12 July 2010 Hits: 151

    The government has dismissed the story in 'US News & World Report' which claimed that it was aiding international terrorists. The story drew heavily on senior US intelligence sources. Despite the reaction from Caracas, the magazine is standing by its story. It claimed that the Chávez government was supporting and training Colombian guerrillas from the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia and was issuing identity cards almost without any checks to people from the Middle East.

    President Hugo Chávez invited the journalist, who took two months to research and write the story, to come to Venezuela to see for herself what was going on. She had claimed to have maps which showed Farc camps in Venezuela.

    Chávez also asked Washington to disassociate itself from the story. The Venezuelan government claimed that the allegations were being made in order to justify assassinating him, backing a coup or an invasion.

    Separately, but coincidentally, General James Hill, head of US Southern Command, claimed that Arabs with close links to Islamic terrorist groups were active on the Venezuela-owned Island of Margarita.

  • COLOMBIA: Defence minister resigns

    12 July 2010 Hits: 387
    Jorge Alberto Uribe Echavarrí­a was named Colombia's new defence minister yesterday, 9 November, after Marta Lucí­a Ramí­rez resigned from the position. Ramí­rez became the second member of President Alvaro Uribe's cabinet to step down within a week, although unlike that of former justice and interior minister Fernando Londoño, her departure came as something of a surprise.

    That is not to say that Ramí­rez had been having the best of times in her position, largely due to her poor relations with the Colombian armed forces. The defence minister became embroiled in a row with the military in March this year when she criticized the then-head of the air force Héctor Fabio Velasco for rejecting eight Mirage F1 fighter jets donated by Spain on the grounds that they were 'old'.

    Ramí­rez appeared to have won the battle with the military when Velasco resigned in August. However, a dispute over a rationing contract between the military and the defence ministry ensured relations between the two didn't improve. The armed forces were furious that Ramí­rez awarded the Col$9bn (US$3.2m) contract for rations to the Rapifood company rather than the Army Rotatory Fund (FRE) which had previously been responsible for feeding the army. The military was especially irritated by the fact that the Rapifood contract took more out of the defence budget than that proposed by the FRE, which also supplies rations for the Ecuadorian and Chilean armed forces.

    Moreover, Ramí­rez was having a tough time internationally as well, in spite of her proven track record as a diplomat (she had been Colombia's ambassador to France and had worked in the external trade ministry under former president Pastrana). Her comments in October that Venezuela was the weak link in the region's struggle against terrorist groups earned swift censure from Caracas, with Venezuelan foreign minister Roy Chaderton describing Ramí­rez as a 'stone in the shoe of bilateral relations'. Uribe refused to embroil himself in the dispute.

    None of this seemed likely to lead Ramí­rez to resign, however. Her decision was all the more surprising given the government's current weakness prompted by the failure of the 25 October austerity referendum. Losing Londoño was unsettling enough for Uribe; the departure of Ramí­rez was the last thing he needed.

    As was the case with Londoño's replacement, Uribe has gone to the private sector to fill the post left vacant by Ramí­rez. Uribe Echavarrí­a, who is no relation to the president, was until yesterday head of the insurance company Seguros de Lima. He has no experience either in the defence or military sectors.

  • VENEZUELA: Opposition threatens not to submit petitions

    12 July 2010 Hits: 209

    The opposition to President Hugo Chávez is beginning to look as though it has something to hide. Yesterday Antonio Ledezma, one of the leaders of the opposition Coordinadora Democrática coalition, said that it would not submit its petitions to any subcommittee of the Consejo Nacional Electoral which had a majority of supporters of the President on it.

    This is an odd position to take, because the verification subcommittee has yet to be set up. This subcommittee, which will also have observers from international mediators such as the Organization of American States and the Carter Center, is due to be set up in the next few days, specifically to ensure that there is no funny business when the opposition petitions are counted. The opposition needs to have secured 2.4m valid signatures on its petition to force a recall referendum on whether President Chávez should remain in office. The government believes that the opposition has failed to meet the target, while the opposition claims that it has 3.6m signatures.

    The opposition claims that the decision to set up a legal subcommittee of the CNE with a majority of Chávez -supporting lawyers showed the way the wind was blowing in the CNE. The opposition is also bothered that the CNE board has yet to set out its criteria for validating the signatures. The opposition argues that it must know the rules before taking part.